RSS business friendly governance of Fascism is all about branding Almighty Modi!
Please note who do accompany and manage global audience for Brand Modi and gets the booty in return.Just read the fine prints of all agreements signed abroad.
The masses being ignorant,illiterate or semiliterate,no attempt is enough to awaken them.
Awake! India Incs! Lest Indian companies would lose the market at home thanks to Brand Modi created by India Incs!
Palash Biswas
Photo:Sunday Economic Times
RSS business friendly governance of Fascism is all about branding Modi!It is all about Modi,nothing else.The Bull Run linked Growth story magic is Modi Magic which engaged the global media and created unprecedented mind control scenario of identity based POLARiZATION to continue tremors of reforms.
These tremors would never stop friends.Tremors to continue as the continuity of destructive reforms continued and we put our stakes on vote bank equations without any attempt to touch the Earth,being Hawa Hawai as Modi branding itself remains.
In a democracy non existing,it is becoming absolute Monarchy with divine OMNIPOTENT God Kalki Avtar and whims of an individual decide the fate of the Nation,the people and moreover,the Economy!
RIDICULOUS!
Our friends are threatened.Latest being DR.Anand Teltubde who have been dare devil enough to write,Touch Me if You Can!
Everyone has democratic right whatever language he or she should use or misuse.We are not afraid of abuses.
But spare our ladies please!
Fake ID with feminine gender is being misused to abuse us.
It is the behaviour pattern.
We have exposed the Hindu Imperialist Agenda and focused on Himalayan Tragedy and posted everything about the Ambedkarite ideology and movement to resist the misuse of the leader of Humanity by RSS Hindutva Brigade.That Hindutva Brigade has been thrashe in erstwhile Hindu Rashtra Nepal.
We have linked alternative media forces to create an alternative audience and tried our best to break the walls in between humanity,identities and languages making Hastakshep the forum of public hearing!
They have nothing to say contradicting the facts and they might not.
They want to stop us with threats,attacks and abuses.
It is all about absolute fascist regime of Millionaire Billionaire hegemony of neoliberal Global Hindutva.
We request india Incs with its manpower and resources to investigate what interests are served and which individual and companies are the beneficiaries of this making in Gujarat!
Be Aware,India Incs is being blasted off as the Emerging Greatest Market is handed over to foreign capital.
Please note who do accompany and manage global audience for Brand Modi and gets the booty in return.Just read the fine prints of all agreements signed abroad.
The masses being ignorant,illiterate or semiliterate,no attempt is enough to awaken them.
Awake! India Incs! Lest Indian companies would lose the market at home thanks to Brand Modi created by India Incs!
Sunday Economic Times has focused on Modi branding.Thanks.We should read all the articles which I am attaching from the Epaper as common masses often skip business media which reflects well the physics and chemistry of governance!
Brand Narendra Modi - SlideShare
www.slideshare.net/chaturvedibraj/brand-narendra-modi
Jun 11, 2014 - Transcript. 1. Brand Narendra Modi; 2. Challenges of Building BrandNarendra Modi the three-time Gujarat chief minister was a regional brand ...
Images for branding ModiReport images
Marketing Lessons from Brand Modi Campaign India ...
https://www.linkedin.com/.../20140523065123-20282234-marketing-les...
May 23, 2014 - India recently witnessed world's largest democratic poll exercise to pick its members of parliament from all states. Fighting for 543 seats in total, ...
From Narendra Modi to brand Modi: Meet the team behind ...
articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com › ... › Advertising Campaign
May 1, 2014 - MUMBAI: If BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has become the poster boy of Indian advertising for delivering an unprecedented ...
Building Of The Brand 'Narendra Modi' using Social Media ...
www.lifehacker.co.in/jugaad/Building...Brand...Modi.../28138520.cms
Dec 30, 2013 - He's neither a marketing guru nor has he formally studied the Keller'sBrand Equity Model; however Narendra Modi has successfully advanced ...
How BJP sold brand Narendra Modi - Livemint
www.livemint.com/Politics/.../How-BJP-sold-brand-Modi.html
May 17, 2014 - BJP scored on brand Modi, thanks to the giant team of experts who created one of the most successful media, marketing and branding ...
Hindutva in reverse gear just because of Obama visit ...
Jan 2, 2015 - Modi brand intact as his brand remains Hindutva! The extolling of Nathuram Godse as well as the Sangh Parivar's menacing campaign on ghar wapsi and love ...
How Modi Conquered The Nation: 13 Branding Lessons For ...
inc42.com/.../modi-conquered-nation-13-branding-lessons-startups/
Jan 15, 2015 - NaMo is a brand that has been carefully built and painstakingly marketed, a lot of great branding and strategic marketing lessons startups can ...
Narendra Modi - BJP's Branding, Marketing and Campaign ...
May 17, 2014 - Narendra Modi - BJP's Branding, Marketing and Campaign for 2014 Lok Sabha Elections Number of articles are now being written onBranding, Marketing and ...
The making of Brand Modi
Narendra Modi isn't just a political party's prime ministerial candidate. NaMo is a brand that has been carefully built and painstakingly marketed. Here's how
Devina Joshi & Masoom Gupte
May 12, 2014 Last Updated at 00:10 IST
n Hong Kong's hip Kowloon district a restaurant serving Avant-Thai cuisine was opened last December by an ex-Taj Mahal hotel manager. When it was time for christening, the owner favoured the humility invoking term, Namo. The Shiva statue at the entrance is one explanation for the choice of name. The other is given away by the life-sized portrait of the eponymous politician from India.
The restaurant naming is part fanboy homage, but part an effort to cash in on the NaMo — a sobriquet for Narendra Modi — wave this election season. The Bharatiya Janata Party's prime ministerial candidate cannot be credited with creating this wave single-handedly. He has a team of media and advertising experts that has worked meticulously over the past year or so to create Brand Modi and packaged, advertised and sold it to the public much like any other consumer brand.
What makes Brand Modi so special?
Indian politicians have usually been arrogant about marketing themselves beyond stipulated speeches, posters and public appearances. They have also been difficult products to be "branded". Brands must deliver on a promise, consistently. In the context of politicians these two aspects — delivering on a promise and consistency — pretty much lose meaning.
That is where Brand Modi takes the cake. Modi's promise itself is at variance with the typical election promises, laden as they are with sops. He is promising something not exactly perspicuous: good governance and development. His ability to deliver will be judged if and when he does move into the PMO. But consistency, as his campaign message goes, has been spot on.
That apart, Brand Modi has surprised everyone with unprecedented activity on social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter to reach out to the youth directly and to generate conversations on new media. (See Box)
The message
Modi's transition from politician to brand has been carefully charted out. From a raging Hindu nationalist to India's most popular prime ministerial candidate — if one were to go by the various exit-polls and pre-poll surveys, that is — the evolution of Brand Modi has been spectacular.
That said, Brand Modi started out on a weak wicket, in 2002, when he gained a place in national consciousness against the backdrop of the Godhra riots. His first tryst with public awareness outside of Gujarat gained him more detractors than supporters. He was branded a right-wing radical. And yet, he was re-elected by the state three times since then (2002, 2007 and 2012) adding credence to his claim of being the development boy of Gujarat. Vibrant Gujarat, Gujarat's annual investment event, the high profile Tata Nano project shift from West Bengal to Gujarat almost overnight were some of the events that ensured that he steadily carved himself a place at the national level despite being a regional player. His own meteoric rise to fame over the past 12 years burnished his messianic positioning, making him uniquely qualified to lead BJP's Lok Sabha campaign for 2014.
Political and brand consultants say the branding of Modi in the run-up to the 2014 elections hinged on one simple proposition: to turn people's attention away from his early political history to the more recent economic transformation of the state of Gujarat, to position him as the harbinger of economic growth — which eventually became the overall theme of BJP's campaign.
"The starting point was the anger in people, the angst against corruption and the Central Government. The campaign had three objectives: to reflect the mood of the nation, show the electorate the possibilities of a better life and give them a leader they can trust," says Piyush Goyal,BJP national treasurer, and a key player in Modi's marketing crack team.
Goyal's campaign summation is further corroborated by one of the brand building partners. "Last year, during the Delhi assembly election time, as far as national elections were concerned the idea was to attack the Congress and then move forward. But towards the end of last year, it became apparent that the Congress was getting slammed from all quarters. There was no point wasting time there. Besides, today's voter is not interested in this slamming match. He wants to know what would you (his elected representative) do for him. It was decided then that the campaign must arouse nationalistic, patriotic fervour among the voters," says Rajshekhar Malaviya, CEO, Promodome Communications, one of the agencies working on the Modi campaign.
The shift in campaign strategy gave Modi the opportunity to build on the development-man image and dull his Hindutva agenda by a shade.
"Being a Hindu nationalist is a double-edged sword," says Santosh Desai, MD and CEO, Future Brands, and a very avid political observer. "The strength is that you are seen as a voice of the majority Hindu consciousness. The flip side is, Hindutva is not a strategy that can win an election in India. As an undercurrent, it is motivating but it cannot be the primary benefit. The primary idea has to be about the nation's development," he says. That is imperative if only to give BJP's Mission 272+ any chance of success.
It is not to say that Modi discarded his Hindu hardliner image completely. The man who famously called himself a Hindu nationalist wore his saffron colours with pride but did not let it rule his conversation. There was definite subtlety. Like his refusal to wear a skull cap and pander to symbolism. And yet the message, always the same: that he may not wear the cap but he does respect it, which is a lot more important.
The look and feel
Modi has achieved something interesting. He made his aggression seem decisive and hence desirable. Samit Sinha, managing partner, Alchemist Brand Consulting, says, "Culturally, Indians have always been quite content to be ruled by a powerful king-figure, rather than the more abstract idea of self-rule, so centralised authority (or even a benevolent dictator) is not at all an anathema for most Indians. Centralisation of power and determined authoritarianism could well be seen by today's India as the need of the hour and an attractive antidote against economic stagnation. Hence, this time the pitch is for Modi Sarkar not BJP Sarkar."
The look and feel is as much a part of the package as the sophistry. The bespoke kurta, the Movado watch, Bvlgari spectacles and the Mont Blanc pen set him quite apart from the 'regular' Indian politician. Modi's obvious delight in dressing well resonates with a section of the electorate that values opportunity and personal growth and progress above divisive politics and chicanery. The Modi sarkar pitch is actually not so novel if one went by BJP's campaign history. In 1996, a similar call — "Sabko dekha bari bari, abki bari Atal Bihari" — had rung out. But here's the difference.
The 1996 slogan was spun around Atal Bihari Vajpayee's turn at governance without spelling out what that entailed. This time, Modi's campaign managers have taken the nation's problems and connected it with their own proposition of change: "Bahut ho gayi mehengayi ki maar, ab ki baar Modi sarkar, na sahenge naari pe atyachaar, ab ki baar Modi Sarkar". Such has been the popularity of this couplet — thanks largely to social media — that it has assumed the "national time-pass" status, being liked, tagged and forwarded freely.
The media mix
Brand Modi has gone the whole hog on its media delivery with advertising on radio, television (particularly during the IPL cricket matches), print, hoardings and bus panels, in addition to posters, rallies and public speeches — de rigueur during political campaigning. Some of the matters addressed in the campaign include the creation of jobs, better education and the removal of corruption. The campaign has been customised for each state as well as urban and rural centres. Contrary to the commonly held view, Modi's brand team has leveraged technology for micro-targeting even in media-dark rural areas.
In September-October 2013 and later in January, BJP conducted a study on what should be the messaging and the medium for the campaign. "For instance, we found that 30,000 villages of UP and Bihar were media-dark, with no TV, print or radio," says Goyal. In such rural areas, for instance, the party sent out hundreds of vehicles with LED screens mounted on them. These screens showed party ads, Modi's speeches and the BJP manifesto on it. "It was done in a systematic manner and every rupee was thoughtfully spent," Goyal adds.
Human banners and placards dominated below-the-line rally promotions, along with off-line activation. For instance, music bands were unleashed in public places, which started by singing some popular numbers to collect a crowd and then switched to singing Modi-and BJP-theme songs. The key agencies involved in these exercises included Soho Square (creative) and Madison Media (media planning and buying). Their efforts got a boost from the so-called Modi supporters hawking everything from Modi masks to USB drives online.
But the true hero of the story has been public relations (PR). Experts say while social media won't ring the votes in, it has the power to generate positive PR in the media. "Social media is great to stir up controversies, giving people a sense of participation. But once these comments on social media are picked up and magnified on TV and newspapers, they become discussion points," says Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, author of Modi's biography. "People know Modi is a great doer, but ask them what has he done, and they may not be able to answer. This is a bullet point driven campaign where Modi is discussed and debated in 140 characters," he adds.
In another four days, we will know if the electorate was swayed by this unprecedented-in-scale political campaign. For the moment, Modi and his team can revel in the fact that the message was communicated, heard and possibly even internalised in the exact fashion they intended it to be.
http://www.business-standard.com/article/management/the-making-of-brand-modi-114051100589_1.html
Just the Right Image
This case study looks at the strategy and tactics behind the creation of Brand Modi.
Shamni Pande Delhi Edition:June 8, 2014
Narendra Modi Photo: Reuters
Executive Summary: Bharatiya Janata Party leader Narendra Modi's election juggernaut in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls is an example of howto prepare and successfully implement a marketing and branding campaign. Irrespective of your faith, ideology and voting decision, there has been no escaping Modi. His image and in-your-face messaging have overshadowed all other brands - even that of his own party. This case study looks at the strategy and tactics behind the creation of Brand Modi.
Pitching a specific leader as a driver of change and to mobilise voters' support is hardly a new political strategy. After all, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had projected L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee its prime ministerial candidates in the past (remember the Ab ki baari Atal Bihari slogan in 1996?). The Congress party's projection of Indira Gandhi as the country's tallest leader with its 'Indira lao desh bachao' tagline in the 1970s is another such example. But the personal rhetoric had been tied, and sometimes made subservient, to the political parties to which these leaders belonged. With his landslide win in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections,Narendra Modi has rewritten the rules of the game and redefined Indian politics. Brand Modi has not only captured popular imagination but also trumped Brand BJP. How did it happen?
David Aaker, American marketing guru and author of several books on branding, wrote in an April 2012 blog post that every person has a brand that affects how the person is perceived and whether he or she is liked and respected. This brand, he says, can be actively managed with discipline and consistency over time, or it can be allowed to drift. Modi and his marketing team showed oodles of both once he was anointed the BJP's prime ministerial candidate on September 13 last year. In fact, they had been at it from much before.
Modi's transformation over the past year from a regional, right-wing politician to a decisive leader with a clear development agenda, the one best suited to take India forward is nothing short of extraordinary. Senior BJP leaders Piyush Goyal and Ajay Singh handled the overall media strategy, and a task force was constituted to handle Modi's campaign in Varanasi. Advertising legends such as Ogilvy & Mather's Piyush Pandey, McCann Worldgroup's Prasoon Joshi and Sam Balsara of Madison World lent their skills at various levels. Advertising agency Soho Square, part of the WPP Group, handled television, radio and print campaigns with catchy slogans such as "Ab ki Baar Modi Sarkar".
"The archetype he offers is of a strong, all-knowing father figure who is unwavering," says Santosh Desai, who heads Future Brands, the brand consultancy arm of Future Group. To create the father figure, Modi's team invoked tales of childhood, in books and comics. Invariably, and understandably, they were tales of heroism involving a precocious Bal Narendra (Modi as a child). What else would you call a story about a child swimming across a crocodile-infested lake to plant a flag on a memorial? The child, when he came of age, walked away from his family to devote himself to public cause, lending what brand consultant Harish Bijoor calls "bachelor blandness" to his story.
From Gujarat to India
Modi's team faced three main challenges when it set out to project him as the country's next prime minister. One, the three-time Gujarat chief minister was a regional brand trying to go national. Two, the 63-year-old was seeking to connect with the youth considering that this year's election had almost 150 million first-time voters. Modi, who rarely chooses to speak in English, was trying also to connect with the urban, middle-class audience that is becoming more politically conscious. Finally, and most importantly, he carried the taint of the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat.
The one event that, perhaps, helped Modi the most in making a mark on the national scene was the shifting in 2008 of Tata Motors' factory for the Nano minicar from West Bengal to Gujarat. Farmers in West Bengal, backed by firebrand politician Mamata Banerjee, now the state's chief minister, had been protesting land acquisition for the plant by Tata Motors. Modi provided the company land and other incentives almost overnight. In the process, he also established himself as a champion for industry and development.
Sridhar Samu, Assistant Professor of Marketing at Hyderabad's Indian School of Business (ISB), says it's not easy for most product brands to go from regional to national. He says the dilution of the only other national brand, the Congress, and a common underlying need for change also helped Modi. "If a brand can tap into a common underlying need and connect it to benefits, then it could go national. We see how both Haldiram's and Saravanaa Bhavan have managed this. They targeted the underlying need for tasty snacks and south Indian food," he says.
Full Coverage: Lok Sabha Elections 2014
According to Y.L.R Moorthi, Professor of Marketing at the Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore, there is a difference between a regional brand going national and a politician going national. He says Modi was known outside Gujarat even before he decided to move beyond the state, just as Nitish Kumar and J. Jayalalithaa, chief ministers of Bihar and Tamil Nadu, respectively, are known. But these regional leaders didn't venture out of their home states in the recent elections. Modi did. And he did it at a massive scale - he attended more than 5,000 events and 470 political rallies across the length and breadth of the country.
Striking a Chord
On February 6, 2013, more than six months before he was named as the BJP's choice for the prime minister's post, Modi addressed students at Delhi's Shri Ram College of Commerce. He talked about Gujarat's model of development. He spoke passionately about the need for speed in government decision-making and about the need to improve skills of the youth to accelerate economic growth. That speech won him many young admirers. One of them is the second-year student Sulabh Newatia, who says he decided to cast his vote for the BJP after listening to Modi's speech. "I see him as a visionary who can take the nation forward," says the 19-year-old from Kolkata.
Modi, an excellent orator, has delivered scores of similar speeches since then. He highlighted slowing economic growth, high inflation and lack of new jobs - issues which immediately resonate with young and urban voters - while blaming the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government for the problems. After the elections were announced, his marketing team bombarded voters with print, television and radio advertisements with the same themes. It reached voters through text messages and Modi's recorded voice seeking votes for himself. It also tapped into social media platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter - Modi has about four million Twitter followers - to magnify the impact of the advertising and branding campaign.
The impact of this relentless campaigning has been felt across different age groups, geographies and sections of society, says political analyst Manisha Priyam. "I have even heard young children, far removed from such debate, mentioning the word 'NaMo'," she says, referring to a sobriquet for Narendra Modi. The carefully crafted moniker also appeals to the traditional Hindus - the BJP's main vote bank - because of its religious connotation, as the Sanskrit word Namo is used as a salutation reserved for the Hindu gods.
Modi's efforts to connect with the youth and urban voters were helped in no small measure by his pro-business persona. Business leaders from industry doyen Ratan Tata to billionaire brothers Mukesh and Anil Ambani have praised Modi and his administration in Gujarat. This has allowed Modi to build his brand as a progressive leader who has the ability to deliver economic results - the single biggest leitmotif of this campaign that has allowed it to cut through caste bias among other things. "The Congress is not lacking in spending power or ability to get marketing brains to campaign for it. But the biggest push for Modi has come from the overt push and advocacy of corporate leaders," says independent political observer and media veteran Paranjoy Guha Thakurta. "It is a truism that marketing cannot sell a bad product. Irrespective of the money you spend on marketing, if what you are selling fails to strike a chord in the minds of a large section of the electorate, all efforts to market Modi would be in vain."
Shaking Off the Stigma
The biggest challenge Brand Modi faced was diverting public attention away from the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat that claimed the lives of more than 1,000 people, mostly Muslims. Initially, Modi's supporters in BJP attempted to engage in public debate and highlight the clean chit given by courts to wash off the stigma. Then, they changed tack. They toned down the Hindutva rheotoric and focused instead on Modi's more recent past and his development record in Gujarat. "He knows that people want a better life and he offers Hindutva with the right dilution," says Desai of Future Brands.
Marketing gurus cite the examples of Cadbury, PepsiCo and Coca-Cola that battled problems relating to brand-taint. Cadbury had fought its way out of a controversy related to worms in its chocolates while the two beverages giants faced allegations of pesticides in their colas. "The best way for a tainted brand to overcome a challenge is to not talk too much, but to acknowledge it happened, and then move on," says Samu, the ISB professor. "The more one talks about, the more the memory for that event gets activated among the target market, and they remember it more. The BJP and Modi did not talk about it. Or if they did, they kept it to a minimum," he adds.
IIM-Bangalore's Moorthi says the weakness of the Congress leadership also helped boost Brand Modi. "When the brands in the domain appear worse, the contending brand might shine by comparison. In Modi's case, he was helped by the tightlipped nature of the Congress leadership and their indifferent performance in the second stint," he says.
While most companies routinely apologize for problems detected in their products, Modi stopped short of doing so. "He did give an account of reflections on the event [the riots]. He seemed to say that he was pained about the event but didn't say sorry," says Moorthi. Veteran adman Prahlad Kakkar concurs. "It does not matter if he [Modi] is wrong. He will never publicly admit that," observes Kakkar, who has been associated with several political campaigns, including that of Indira Gandhi. "But he will, at the same time, take corrective measures to navigate out of it, without ever saying so."
The Ideal Model
Not so long so, the words that could have been used to describe Modi were authoritarian, megalomaniac and communal. The way the creators of Brand Modi dealt with the third taint was by not dealing with it. "What more was there to say [about the post-Godhra riots)? There have been various panels instituted to probe into the matter," says a BJP leader.
Instead, they focused on building Modi's image as self-made, strong, efficient, inspiring, and incorruptible. "He [Modi] created an impression of being a sincere, credible and committed leader. He convinced people that he could improve their lot," says social scientist Ramadhar Singh, Distinguished Professor, IIM-Bangalore. This is the leitmotif the marketing arsenal of the BJP worked to amplify. "No media can help create that kind of consistency," adds Kakkar, the veteran adman.
Automatically, as if by derivation, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance began to look more and more indecisive and corrupt. "Today, India attributes weakness and failure to Congress," says adman and lobbyist Suhel Seth. "Modi stands for good governance."
All stories about Modi's life in the public domain have consistently fed into this new image. And although questions remain about Modi's ability to perform at the national level and his Gujarat model of governance, his personal branding and marketing strategy seems to have worked and voters across the country appear to believe his claims. "Even if you cut out 40 per cent of what is untrue about Modi's promise of growth...the rest is very real," says Guwahati's Chiranjib Hazarika, 24, who is looking to start a career in banking. "Development is his only agenda and people are following him."
Modi's message has attracted even those disinterested in politics. "I have never been very politically conscious. But it is frustrating to see our economy slide back from the progress it made. So, I stepped out to vote, for the first time, for Modi," says Shankar Narayanan, 28, who works for a multinational information technology company in Chennai. "Modi has a proven track record of governance and growth."
Cut to 40-year-old Manoj Rana, who runs a small guest house in Shillong, and you have the answer to the most central ingredient of Modi's branding: "We are not interested in politics. We want change. Modi can deliver that change. People are sensible, they are not carried away by mere talk," he says. That indeed is the bottom line of any brand's success story. It bears out that Modi's brand is by him, for him and from him. The BJP machinery has served as mere coaches for the branding-led engine of Modi.
The branding of Modi and a presidentialstyle campaign was a brilliant response to redefine politics: Siddharth Shekhar Singh, Associate Professor of Marketing and Director of the Fellow Programme in Management, Indian School of Business BRAND MODI MUST MEET ITS PROMISE OF GOOD GOVERNANCE The national branding of Narendra Modi was born out of compulsion. Opponents had successfully branded the BJP as communal and checked its rise under the uninspiring old leadership. The BJP needed to redefine Indian politics along dimensions of good governance and development that suited it better. The party was the first to recognise and adapt to the fundamental shift in the composition and aspirations of voters. It seized the opportunity to project a new face to address voters' aspirations. Thus was born brand Modi. A humble origin, extraordinary achievements through sheer hard work and dedication, and a corruption-free image made Modi an apt mascot to challenge the status quo. The branding of Modi and a presidential-style campaign was a brilliant response to redefine Indian politics. The branding of Modi was a well-crafted strategy of the RSS and the BJP. The campaign attracted many newcomers. It was the first election campaign in India to use social media and information technology heavily and first to listen to the voters and respond in real time. Brands require huge investment to build, and continuous nurturing to sustain value. Not only can brand Modi sustain the BJP in power for a long time, it can also help the RSS reposition itself. However, before that can happen, the promise of brand Modi - good governance and economic development - must be realised. Further, many voters are uncomfortable with the communal agenda of some of his supporters. Modi has to show what true secularism is and why it is different from pseudo-secularism. If he succeeds in these three areas, he would change Indian politics forever and make the BJP the natural party to govern - the main objective for building brand Modi. Siddharth Shekhar Singh, Associate Professor of Marketing and Director of the Fellow Programme in Management, Indian School of Business He [Modi] is a very strident, tenacious, and in-your-face avatar of a brand: Prathap Suthan, Managing Partner and Chief Creative Officer, Bang In The Middle MODI IS A BRAND WHO KNOWS HE IS IN THIS FOR THE LONG RUN It is not uncommon in the world of marketing for a brand to become not only bigger than its creator but also to revitalise and rejuvenate it back. What iMac and iPod did to Apple Inc is what Narendra Modi has done to the BJP. Prior to Modi, the BJP brand was on the brink of irrelevance for what it stood for. Its Hindutva identity resonated deeply with the partition generation but its effect had weakened for the successive generations. Demographically, India is one of the youngest nations with more than 65 per cent of people below 35 years. Modi's ability to become bigger than the BJP lies in his ability to listen to murmurs and whispers of this India, tapping into their simmering anger and hopelessness. Modi created an identity that resonated with far more people and deeper than that of the BJP. Like brands make sense at surface and deeper levels, Modi's discourse on economic development and prosperity intersected at the surface level of consciousness. The Gujarat model threw in words like governance, roads, electricity, women's safety, peace, industry and education, supported by statistics. This satisfied the questioning mind that hankers for reason. But reason is often the alibi for non-reason. Modi's ability to become taller than his party lies in his symbolism. He tapped into despair, hopelessness and sinking feelings, and arrived on the scene taking on the symbolism of the outlaw and the ruler combined. He is perceived as an icon of disruption and rebellion against the way things are done. It is this counter-cultural streak that appeals to youth who desire change. And his traits like being organised, proactive, and confident, and in command of things, subtly connect with the ruler archetype. Prathap Suthan, Managing Partner and Chief Creative Officer, Bang In The Middle Prior to Modi, the BJP brand was on the brink of irrelevance for what it stood for: Harsh V. Verma Associate Professor, Faculty of Management Studies, University of Delhi MODI DID TO BJP WHAT iMAC, iPOD DID TO APPLE It is not uncommon in the world of marketing for a brand to become not only bigger than its creator but also to revitalise and rejuvenate it back. What iMac and iPod did to Apple Inc is what Narendra Modi has done to the BJP. Prior to Modi, the BJP brand was on the brink of irrelevance for what it stood for. Its Hindutva identity resonated deeply with the partition generation but its effect had weakened for the successive generations. Demographically, India is one of the youngest nations with more than 65 per cent of people below 35 years. Modi's ability to become bigger than the BJP lies in his ability to listen to murmurs and whispers of this India, tapping into their simmering anger and hopelessness. Modi created an identity that resonated with far more people and deeper than that of the BJP. Like brands make sense at surface and deeper levels, Modi's discourse on economic development and prosperity intersected at the surface level of consciousness. The Gujarat model threw in words like governance, roads, electricity, women's safety, peace, industry and education, supported by statistics. This satisfied the questioning mind that hankers for reason. But reason is often the alibi for non-reason. Modi's ability to become taller than his party lies in his symbolism. He tapped into despair, hopelessness and sinking feelings, and arrived on the scene taking on the symbolism of the outlaw and the ruler combined. He is perceived as an icon of disruption and rebellion against the way things are done. It is this counter-cultural streak that appeals to youth who desire change. And his traits like being organised, proactive, and confident, and in command of things, subtly connect with the ruler archetype. Harsh V. Verma, Associate Professor, Faculty of Management Studies, University of Delhi |
With inputs from Arunima Mishra and Anilesh S. Mahajan
How Modi Let Down India In Just One Year
Narendra Modi rode a rhapsodic wave to 7 Race Course Road amidst frenzied BJP supporters, media calisthenics, promotional blitz and mind-boggling promises ofacchhe din. Twelve months later, it is established that Modi has no magic wand. Or a unique panacea for India's diverse challenges. In fact, he has come up woefully short. Despite being a Congress spokesperson, I shall attempt to be dispassionate and prejudice-free in this brief synopsis of a year that was annus horribilis for us.
Modi's only positive accomplishment was that he, at least temporarily, revived national sentiment on India, which paradoxically enough, was relentlessly smothered, slaughtered and singed by the BJP itself. But a painstaking analysis demonstrates that Modi remained in campaign mode and orchestrated atmospherics like the Madison Square Garden show dominated the rock-star politician's agenda. The actual performance though remained sub-par.
"Modi's economy was sluggish and slothful, with all crucial economic indicators such as job accretion, core sector growth, merchandise exports and agricultural productivity languishing."
The institutionalisation of the RSS was formalized - its chief got official government approbation by being allowed broadcast his Hindutva philosophy on the state-run Doordarshan. Modi promptly tweeted his earnest endorsement of Mohan Bhagwat's speech. Expectedly, what followed were inflammatory outbursts from the likes of Sakshi Maharaj, Yogi Adityanath and Giriraj Singh. Ghar Wapsi, Love Jihad, unheard of sectarian templates suddenly overwhelmed political discourse. Meanwhile, the RSS has imperceptibly penetrated some crucial institutions of India, like education. It hardly portends well. Hate-spewing voices likeSadhvi Niranjan Jyoti and Sadhvi Prachi gained prominence. Modi, a past-master at running with the hares and hunting with the hounds, found that his political stratagem had backfired. By the end of a year, people were asking probing questions. Modi's convenient silence followed by a self-righteous tweet seemed trite.
Church attacks continued unabated, getting ex-top cop Julio Ribeiro to ruefully question his status as an Indian citizen. Earlier, just before he returned home after Modi's bear-hugs and riveting tales of his crocodile conquests following India's Republic day, US President Barack Obama remained circumspect about India's secular credentials -- if Mahatma Gandhi was alive, he would be stunned to see Indian society rising communal intolerance.
The BJP/RSS have a pathological antipathy towards India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and it shows - from renaming schemes earlier named after him, to repeated attempts to mortify the world statesman. It reached a nadir when personal equations between him and Sardar Patel and Netaji SC Bose were distorted mischievously through selective leaks.
Despite some heaven-sent economic tailwinds that had crude oil prices slump to below 50% of the levels prevalent during the UPA, Modi's economy was sluggish and slothful, with all crucial economic indicators such as job accretion, core sector growth, merchandise exports and agricultural productivity languishing. Despite massive ad spends for government branding of popular schemes (erstwhile UPA launches), there was little incremental momentum. Make in India, Digital India, Swachh Bharat, Jan Dhan Yojana etc remained just seductive slogans. Modi was peripatetic, a constant globetrotter but with nothing to show but his rock-star image, particularly to NRIs. India's economic performance has been unimpressive, despite GDP growth projected at 7.5%. Irrational obstinacy in the Land Bill by a recalcitrant Modi has led to increasing farmer resistance, and Gajendra Rajput's death in scorching heat in Delhi was a macabre exhibition of farmer angst.
"Modi's arrogance can be best seen in his Scarlett O'Hara attitude, with the ordinance route employed flagrantly."
Modi's arrogance can be best seen in his Scarlett O'Hara attitude, with the ordinance route employed flagrantly. But the opposition was resolute in its defiance of anti-poor legislative amendments being hurriedly pushed through. Arun Jaitley, who masterminded the parliamentary gridlock during UPA-II that held back crucial bills, now appeared distraught. No one was convinced. The BJP is like a Robin Hood gone rogue; it has slashed social sector allocations on public health, delayed MNREGA payments, allowed the Food Security Act to remain comatose and mocked at farmer-friendly provisions in the Land Ordinance. The poor are understandably disillusioned, and even the middle-class are feeling short-charged.
The promise to recover black money within 100 days was revealed to be mere electoral rhetoric by Amit Shah. It was the perfect example of the BJP's sleight of hand.
Foreign policy remained muddled, even as traditional adversaries Pakistan and China seem to be drawing even closer by sharing strategic military and economic corridors (USD 46 billion investments) on crucial geographical terrain sensitive to Indian borders. And non-state actors given polite patronage by the Pakistan establishment looked increasingly hostile. The bravado on capturing dreaded don Dawood Ibrahimhas only caused acute embarrassment.
Opaqueness ruled as the RTI appears to be sidelined. And the Lokpal, an independent CBI, and related anti-corruption infrastructure bills remained in cold storage. For its political satire and self-deprecating humour, the AIB Roast found itself instead being targeted. In Maharashtra, the beef ban was symptomatic of religious polarisation getting whole-hearted encouragement.
The Delhi elections results manifested the middle-class's disillusionment with Modi. But it is the politically opportunistic alliance with the PDP in Jammu and Kashmir that has raised serious concerns on India's national security.
"They say a week is a long time in politics. A year, as Modi is probably discovering, is eternity. India is waiting. And is getting increasingly impatient."
Modi has even tarred NGOs, such as Greenpeaceand those funded by the Ford Foundation, with the brush of suspicion. The government has looked waspish, exasperated with jholawallaactivists. They apparently pose mountainous threats to India's growth model. It sounded peevish and puerile and reeked of political insecurity.
The media has been generally indulgent of Modi, barring the occasional castigation. This after Modi contemptuously dismissed them as news traders ("bazaru"). With General VK Singh branding the media as "presstitutes", one expected Modi to do some damage control. Instead, he sounds embittered, sulking at their reluctance to appreciate his government.
Frankly, Modi's honeymoon is over and the signs of disenchantment are clear. The party's spokespersons have a standard answer for every question: "development" and a reminder of their brute force in Parliament.
Returning rejuvenated from a brief sabbatical, Rahul Gandhi made a straightforward but bodacious attack: "Modi's is a suit-boot ki Sarkar, it exists primarily for crony-capitalism". He found innumerable takers, given Modi's brazenly demonstrated public proximity to his select favourites, who look equally thrilled to be in exotic foreign locations with their generous host.
As a Congressman, nothing lacerates my sensibilities more than when Modi talks of a "Congress Mukt Bharat". It was the successful fight for Indian Independence in 1947 which ended European domination. The simultaneous Chinese Revolution of 1949 led to an Asian resurgence and the rise of two superpowers-driven bipolarity in the Soviet Union and USA. Modi and the BJP do not seem to know that the Congress-led freedom movement changed world history. He can do nothing to change that. Nothing.
They say a week is a long time in politics. A year, as Modi is probably discovering, is eternity. India is waiting. And is getting increasingly impatient.
Sanjay Jha is National Spokesperson of the Indian National Congress. The views are his own.
Follow Sanjay Jha on Twitter: www.twitter.com/JhaSanjay
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By Le Yucheng, China's Ambassador to India
Spring is the season of hope with flowers in full blossom. Amidst the fresh spring air, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India paid an official visit to China from 14 to 16 May at the invitation of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang. As Chinese ambassador to India, I am happy to witness the historic visit. The visit, the first by Mr Modi as Prime Minister of India, can be ..
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Suman Layak |
As Aadya settles down beside her, Maha jan starts talking about another first time MP, Babul Supriyo. The singer-turned poli tician was made a minister in the Modi gov ernment's first reshuffle. A resident of Mumbai for his Bollywood career, Supriyo now has to shuttle between Delhi and his constituency, Asansol, in West Bengal. "He has to sing, he has to tend to his constituency and also do his ministerial work. I was telling Babul this is the Modi Sarkar and none of us have any time [for anything else]," Mahajan says.
She's right. Narendra Modi usually sets a scorching pace. Not just for his party's MPs or ministers but often for the Opposition. Therefore, it was no surprise that when a study by ET Magazine and conversational research firm MavenMagnet found that of the 11 themes that dominated online conversations over a 12-month period, at least nine were those either coined or created by Modi himself (go to page 12 for the entire study). It is a different matter that not every theme elicited a positive response, but clearly Modi was largely setting the agenda.
Mahajan, 34, says she finds the Modi approach refreshing: "I always talk about a public-politician partnership. The past year has given me a lot of opportunity to make has given me a lot of opportunity to make the public stakeholders in governance -be it the Jan-Dhan Yojana or Swachh Bharat Abhiyan. People want to be part of the system. There is a culture of positivity since the last Lok Sabha polls. This is different from the populism of the last 10 years."
The ET Magazine-MavenMagnet study looked at online conversations (see How we Did it) from April 7, 2014, when campaigning started for the Lok Sabha elections up to April 7, 2015. The overall vibe was 48% net positive with 74% favourable and 26% unfavourable (turn page for the pie chart).
A Mixed Bag
The study is a mixed bag of strong positive vibes for some triggers and strong negatives for others. Ritu Ghuwalewala, managing partner at MavenMagnet, compares the Modi brand to a cult label such as Apple."We have observed a very high polarity in conversations -they are either strongly for or against Modi Sarkar. The fans are a zealous lot of evangelists who not only vehemently support prime minister Modi and his government, but also furiously defend criticism by the skeptics."
One significant highlight of the study is that the aspirations and perceptions of the younger, internet and social media savvy population is often at variance with what industry captains expect and look out for. Take the Make-in-India initiative, for instance. While Grant Thornton's national managing partner Vishesh Chandiok feels industry is still looking out for clear incentives to boost manufacturing, the social media conversations do not reflect such expectations, with 70% of conversations on the topic having a positive tone.
On the other hand, the Union budget proposals for 2015-16, and spectrum and coal auctions have earned kudos from investors and sections of industry. The young and aspirational middle-class on social media, however, fear the amounts bid during the auctions could be a trigger for inflation as companies will be forced to up prices to cover their costs; the auctions attracted a 63% unfavourable chatter, second only to the Ghar Wapsi issue.
The ET Magazine-MavenMagnet study also offers a Brand Association Meter, on which the Modi government scores a negative 7% on trust, a positive 6% on respect and a positive 19% on hope. Ghuwalewala explains: "Although many people respect the Modi government, not all of them trust it. And a large number are actually hopeful that the government will do something good even though they do not have either respect for it or trust in it."
A year after a sweeping victory that resulted in euphoria and massive expectations, there appears to be dawning a realisation that the NDA has no magic wand. Harsh Goenka, chairman of RPG Group points out: "A sluggish economy, inadequate opportunities and an overall sense of gloom got the better of the voters and they expected the Modi government to trigger growth the way a missile shoots into the sky."
Chandiok has few doubts about the current government having a roadmap, although he acknowledges that there have been some wrong turns. "We have never had a clearer vision, supported by amazing actions behind that vision in under 365 days from a new leadership before. Of course some errors of judgement have been made like the recent retrospective FII MAT issue. How swiftly mistakes are addressed is often more important than not making mistakes." Early this week, the Income-Tax department put on hold all fresh notices after setting up a committee to examine past cases of minimum alternate tax (MAT) on foreign institutional investors (FIIs).
Burden of Expectation
Adi Godrej, chairman of Godrej Industries, sees many positives: "Most sensible observers are convinced that the government is on the right economic path."
However, punters on Dalal Street are showing their disappointment by selling aggressively, resulting in an over 10% slump in the benchmark indices over the past two months.Nirmal Jain, founder and chairman India Infoline, feels there are downside risks in the short term. He told ET Magazine: "When the new government came to power, market euphoria was also fuelled by falling commodity and global oil prices. The sharp correction now is
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