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सौजन्यःझारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा
मेरी दिक्कत यह है कि मैं शरणार्थी बंगाली नमोशूद्र परिवार से हूं। अखंड उत्तर प्रदेश में जनमा हूं। काम के लिए झारखंड पहुंचा,जो तब अखंड बिहार का हिस्सा था।फिर रोजी रोटी के लिए ही बंगाल आना पड़ा जिसके उसपार हमारे पुरखों की जमीन हुआ करती थी भारत विभाजन से पहले।ओडीशा मेरा ननिहाल है।मेरी अस्मिता खंडित है।
मेरा जन्म उत्तराखंड में हुआ।शिक्षा दीक्षा नैनीताल में। महाश्वेता देवी मुझे उत्तराखंडी बंगाली या कुमांयूनी बंगाल कहती हैं।लेकिन उत्तराखंड के लोग मुझे अपना नहीं मानते।उत्तराखंडी फेसबुकिया मित्रमंडली से मैं अक्सर धकियाकर बाहर निकाल दिया जाता हूं क्योंकि मैं सिर्फ उत्तराखंड की बात नहीं करता।मुझे मणिपुर से लेकर नगालैंड,सिक्किम समेत समूचे पूर्वोत्तर की बात कहनी होती है।दक्षिम भारत कीधड़कनों में जीना होता है।समूचे मध्यभारत में और खासकर गोंडवाना दंडकारण्य और अंडमान निकोबार द्वीप समूह तक मेरे आत्मीय परिजन पूर्वी बंगाल से उखाड़े गये अनुसूचित और पिछड़े लोग हैं,जिनकी रोजमर्रे की समस्याओं के साथ मुझे जीना मरना होता है और यह पारिवारिक अभिशाप या फिर वरदान हैं,जिसे मेरे भाई पद्मलोचन हो या मेरे बेटे एक्सकैलिबर,समस्त परिजनों को कमोबेश जीना है।
पिता की मृत्यु से पहले तक अंबेडकर ने पढ़कर,पिता से उनकी अंबेडकरी विचारधारा की वजह से आजीवन राजनीतिक बहस ने करने वाला मैं अपने छात्रजीवन और पिता के मृत्युपर्यंत अपने कर्म जीवन की विचारधारा को अपने लोगों के अस्तित्व की लड़ाई में कतई काम न आते देख अपने पिता के ही अक्सरहां कहे वचन कि विचारधारा नहीं,धर्म कर्म नहीं,प्रवचन या साहित्य नहीं,असल बात तो यह है कि पीड़ित जनता के लिए आप करते क्या हैं और उनके मुक्तियुद्ध में आपकी क्या भूमिका है,को मानने लगा हूं। इसलिए हमारे क्रांतिकारी मित्र अब हमें विचारहीन कहते हैं।विचारपारंगत विश्वासघात की तुलना में विचारहीन ईमानदारी और जनप्रतिबद्धता जाहिर है,अब मेरी एकमात्र बची खुची अस्मिता है।इसी वजह से उत्तराखंड और बंगाल में अजनबी होने के बावजूद अंबेडर की कर्मभूमि महाराष्ट्र अब मेरा दूसरा गर हो गया हैषअगर कहीं बसने का विकल्प चुनने का मौका मिले तो मैं महाराष्ट्र को ही चुनुंगा। क्योंकि बंगाल और उत्तराखंड में शायद मेरे लिए अब कोई जगह है ही नहीं।
यह विकल्प झारखंड हो सकता था,जिसने अभी कल ही अपना तेरहवां जनमवार मनाया। विख्यात पत्रकार उर्मिलेश चूंकि पत्रकार बनना नहीं चाहते थे,तो उनकी इस जुगत पर कि भारतीय अर्थव्यवस्था को समझने के लिए झारखंड में काम करना जरुरी है,अपनी अकादमिक महात्वांकाक्षा को हमेसा के लिए तिलांजलि देकर मैं झारखंड के कोयलांचल में पहुंच गया धनबाद के दैनिक आवाज में।तब भी मेरी मंशा कुछ दिनों के लिए झारखंड से जान पहचान करने की थी।उत्तराखंड,झारखंड और छत्तीसगढ़ के आंदोलनकारियों में उन दिनों एक समन्वय था।हम लोग शमशेर सिंह बिष्ट और शंकर गुहा नियोगी को एक ही श्रेणी में रखते थे। महाश्वेता दी के अरण्येर अधिकार हमने पढ़ ली थी और मुंडा विद्रोहसंथाल विद्रोह की कथा हम जान चुके थे।
मैं जब धनबाद पहुंचा तो कवि मित्र मदन कश्यप के साथ ठहरा,वे आवाज में थे उन दिनों जैसे कभी वीर भारत तलवार भी थे मेरे पहुंचने से पहले।तब भी वीर भारत और मनमोहन पाठक शालपत्र निकालते थे,मेरे पहुंचने के बाद मदन कश्यप ने निकाली अभिव्यक्ति। हम सारे लोग झारखंड आंदोलन के साथ थे।
मैं हेमंत सोरेन को नहीं जानता। मैं उनके दिवंगत भाई दुर्गा सोरेन को भी नहीं जानता।मैं उनके पिता शिबू सोरेन, घोटालों में फंसे शिबू सोरेन नहीं,दिशम गुरु शिबू सोरेन,विनोदबिहारी महतो और एक राय को जानता रहा हूं। एके राय के मार्फत ही महाश्वेता देवी से 1981 में पहली मुलाकात हुई,परिवर्तन राज के व्यवधान के बावजूद मैं अब भी दीदी के परिवार का हिस्सा हूं,उस विश्वव्यापी परिवार का जो अश्वेत आदिवासी मूलनिवासी दुनिया है। यह महाश्वेता दीदी और झारखंड आंदोलन का कमाल है कि मैं खुद एक अनुसूचित आदिवासी न होकर भी भारत ही नहीं,दुनियाभर के आदिवासियों के वैश्विक परिवार में हूं। मेरे विचारों,व्यक्तित्व कृतित्व की जड़ें इसलिए सही मायने में उत्तराखंड,बंगाल या महाराष्ट्र में नहीं,झारखंड की लाल माटी में हैं।मेरा वजूद शूद्र अस्पृश्य तो जन्मजात है,लेकिन बाकी सबकुछ आदिवासी है।दुनियाभर के आदिवासी मुख्यदारा में कहीं नहीं है,तो मुझे अपने मुख्यधारा के बाहर होने का पश्चाताप भी नहीं है।
हमारे विख्यात फिल्मकार मित्र आनंद पटवर्धन ने जय भीम कामरेड शीर्षक फिल्म बनायी हैं तो रेडिकल अंबेडकरी विचारधारा के तमाम प्रवक्ता लोगों को मैं जानता हूं, हमारे अंबेजकरवादी मित्र और क्रांतिकारी मित्र लालझंडे नीले रिबन के समाज वास्तव को सामाजिक न्याय और समता के संघर्ष में वैचारिक शुद्धता के मद्देनजर असंभव मानते हैं।मैं नहीं मानता क्योंकि मैंने एकेराय, शिबू सोरेन और विनोद बिहारी महतो को एक साथ काम करते हुए और फिर एक दूसरे से अलग होते बहुत करीब से देखा है। मैंने झारखंडी आंदोलन का लाल जमाना देखा है जहां झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा के तीर कमान लगे हरे झंडे और लाल झंडे साथ साथ फहराये जाते थे।
हमने मधु कोड़ा या स्टीफन मरांडी या आधुनिक झारखंडी नेताओं को कभी नहीं देखा। जैसे हम लालू प्रसाद यादव को जानते रहे हैं लेकिन हमारी मनीतीश कुमार से मुलाकात नहीं है,शरद यादव और राम विलास पासवान से है।उत्तराखंड और उत्तरप्रदेश के होने के बावजूद,उत्तरप्रदेश में 1984 से लेकर 1091 तक पत्रकारिता करने के बावजूद हमारी मुलाकात न बहन मायावती से हुई और न मुलायम सिंह यादव से।हालांकि फेसबुक पर अखिलेश यादव मुख्यमंत्री बनने से काफी पहले से हमारे मित्रमंडल में बने हुए हैं।अब भी हैं। नंदीग्राम और सिंगुर जनविद्रोह के पक्ष में आखिर तक रहने के बावजूद महाश्वेता दी के खुलकर परिवर्तन ब्रिगेड में चले जाने के बावजूद न आंदोलन के दौरान और न परिवर्तन के बाद मैंने कभी ममता बनर्जी से मुलाकात की है।आंदोलन के दोरान एक साथ धरना मंच पर होने के बावजूद नहीं।
आज लोग नहीं मानते लेकिन यह सच है,कम से कम मेरे लिए सच है,जिसे मैं आप सबके साथ साझा करना चाहता हूं कि लाल झंडे के बिना झारखंड आंदोलन एकेराय विनोद बिहारी शिबू सोरेन तिकड़ी के आविरर्बाव से पहले एक सपने के सिवाय कुछ नहीं था।झारखंड ही नहीं,छत्तीसगढ़ और उत्तराखंड आंदोलनों में भी लालझंडे की बेहद निर्मायक भूमिका रही है।चूंकि तीनों राज्यों में अलग राज्य बनने के बाद संघ परिवार का वर्चस्व है.तो इस हकीकत से सिरे से इंकार करने में कोई दिक्कत भी नहीं है।
आज जो संघ परिवार या बहुजन आंदोलन के लोग कैडर आधारित संगठन की बात करते हैं, उसकी अवधारणा ही मार्क्सवादी है। लाले झंडे ने झारखंड आंदोलन के कैडर तैयार कर दिये,जिसकी बदौलत यह आंदोलन अपने अंजाम तक पहुंचा।अंजाम तक पहुंचने के बाद बेदखल हो गया।छत्तीसगढ़ और उत्तराखंड का किस्सा भी आंदोलन से बेदखली का ही किस्सा है।
वर्तमान परिप्रेक्ष्य में मित्रगण मुझे माफ करें, मेरा तो मानना यह भी है कि हमें नारायण मेघाजी लोखंडे के मजदूर आंदोलन का नये सिरे से मूल्यांकन करना चाहिए।क्योंकि भारतीय परिप्रेक्ष्य में ग्लोबल जायनवादी मनुस्मृति व्यवस्था के प्रतिरोध की जमीन उसी अंबेडकरी वामपंथी मजदूर आंदोलन में है।
भारत के निनानब्वे फीसद आवाम की गोलबंदी के बिना किसी की कहीं भी किसी किस्म की आजादी संभव नहीं है।मुक्तिकामी परिवर्तनकामी सामाजिक शक्तियां विचारधारा की शुद्धता के बहाने अलग अलग द्वीपों में कैद रहें,तो हर बात बेमानी है। वामपंथ पर जाति वर्चस्व के ही विरोधी थे डा. अंबेडकर, मार्क्सवादी विचारधारा के नहीं। जनांदोलन की जो वैज्ञानिक पद्धति मार्क्सवाद ने ही दी है, प्रतिबद्ध कैडर आधारित मार्क्सवादी संस्तागत सगठनात्मक ढांचे के बिना तो भारत वर्ष में हिंदू राष्ट्र भी असंभव है। सही मायने में इस वक्त मार्क्सवादी वैज्ञानिक संस्थागत संगठनात्मक ढांचा संघ परिवार के अलावा किसी के पास नहीं है। सिर्फ हिंदुत्व ही नहीं,सिर्फ धर्म और सांप्रदायिकता नहीं,सिर्फ बाजार और पूंजी का समर्थन नहीं,भारत को नमोमय बनाने में संघ परिवार के संस्थागत कैजरबेस ही मुख्य आधार है।
अगर धुर दक्षिणपंथी जायनवादी लोग मार्क्सवादी संगठनात्मक ढांचा खड़ा करके भारत को हिंदू राष्ट्र बानेने में कामयाबी के साथ तेजी से बढ़ रहे हैं, तो संस्थागत प्रतिबद्ध कैडरबेस मार्क्सवादी संगाठनात्मक ढांचे के तहत मूलनिवासी बहुजन उसका मुकाबला करने के लिए गोलबंद क्यों नहीं हो सकते,मेरा यह प्रश्न हैं,मित्रों सोचें जरुर।
झारखंड आंदोलन को संगढल बनते हुए और फिर सत्ता में तब्दील होते देखने के बाद मुजे तो यही लगता है कि अंबेडकरी विचारधारा और वैज्ञानिक मार्क्सवाद के अंतर्विरोधों के बहाने भारतीयजन गण के एकीकरण में बाधक बने तत्व अंबेडकर के बी उतने ही विरोधी हैं,जितने मार्क्स लेनिन और माओ के विचारों के,चाहे वे रक्त की विशुद्धता की तरह विचारों की विशुद्धता की बात कितनी ही क्यों न करें।उनकी विद्वता महज अकादमिक है,जिससे भारतीयजनता की किस्मत नही बदलने वाली है और न इस गैस चैंबर की कोई खिड़की उस उच्च कोटि के विशुद्ध विमर्श से खुलने जा रही है।
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Jharkhand - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/JharkhandJump to Jharkhand Movement: post-Indian independence - Jharkhand is a state in eastern India. It was carved out of the southern part of Bihar on ...The Jharkhand Movement | libcom.org
libcom.org/library/jharkhand-movementJul 31, 2011 - A regionalist 'Jharkhand Movement' emerged in the 1920s, but only gained significant .... The mining industry and miners' struggles in India.India-Jharkhand Movement - Mongabay
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Jharkhand movement
rrtd.nic.in/Jharkhand.htmlJharkhand State. Introduction. Jharkhand means a forest country. This region lies in the southern part of Bihar embracing Santhalparganas and Chhotanagpur. Jharkhand Movement and the Left - Communist Party of India ...
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झारखंड स्थापना दिवस पर मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा, विकास को गति देगी सरकार
Nov 16 2013 12:00AM
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राज्य गठन के 13 सालों में झारखंड की जमीनी हालात और भ्रष्टाचार पर एक नजर
रांची: झारखंड के स्थापना दिवस पर मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन ने शुक्रवार को कई घोषणाएं की. मोरहाबादी स्थित बिरसा स्टेडियम में आयोजित मुख्य समारोह में उन्होंने 65 वर्ष से अधिक उम्र के सभी वृद्धों को पेंशन देने की घोषणा की. उन्होंने कहा : पहली बार बतौर सीएम स्थापना दिवस में शामिल होने का मौका मिला है. सरकार ने राज्य की अब तक रुकी हुई विकास की गाड़ी को गति देने का निर्णय लिया है. अब तक विकास क्यों नहीं हुआ है, इस पर सोचने में समय गंवाने से बेहतर है कि कुछ काम किया जाये.
शिक्षकों की नियुक्ति प्रक्रिया आरंभ : मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा : टेट पास उम्मीदवारों को नियुक्त करने की प्रक्रिया आरंभ हो चुकी है. अन्य विभागों की रिक्तियों को भी भरने का निर्देश दिया गया है. उन्होंने मदरसों के लिए जल्द ही अनुदान देने की बात कही. कहा : भूमिहीनों के बीच इस माह के अंत तक पांच हजार पट्टा वितरित किया जायेगा.
दीपिका को जमीन
मुख्यमंत्री ने तीरंदाज दीपिका कुमारी को रांची में नि:शुल्क आवासीय भूखंड देने की घोषणा की. 19 नवंबर को हजारीबाग में ओपेन जेल के उदघाटन की भी घोषणा की. इ-गवर्नेस के तहत जल्द ही अन्य योजनाओं को शामिल करने की बात कही.
यह दिन अवलोकन करने का है कि उम्मीद के मुताबिक तरक्की कर पायें हैं या नहीं. कमियों को दूर कर जनता की अपेक्षाओं पर खरा उतरने की जरूरत है. बेहतर काम करने के लिए अवाम का विश्वास और सहयोग हासिल करना होगा. लोगों और राज्य की उन्नति में ही शासन की उन्नति निहित होती है.
डॉ सैयद अहमद, राज्यपाल
नाराज राजेंद्र और अन्नपूर्णा नहीं आये
स्थापना दिवस समारोह में वित्त, वाणिज्यकर, ऊर्जा व स्वास्थ्य मंत्री राजेंद्र सिंह और जल संसाधन, समाज कल्याण मंत्री अन्नपूर्णा देवी शामिल नहीं आये. सूत्रों ने बताया कि ये दोनों मंत्री मंत्रिमंडल समन्वय विभाग की ओर से तैयार किये गये प्रोटोकॉल की वजह से नाराज थे.
क्या-क्या हुआ
द छोटानागपुर प्रमंडल में 43.47 करोड़ की योजनाओं का शिलान्यास और उदघाटन
350 करोड़ से अधिक की परिसंपत्तियों का वितरण
20 पुलिसकर्मियों को पदक. मुखिया व आंगनबाड़ी सेविकाओं को भी सम्मान
शहीद अलबर्ट एक्का के पुत्र को नौकरी
अलबर्ट एक्का की पत्नी बलमदीना एक्का का सम्मान
बीपीएल रिक्शा चालकों के बीच 90 प्रतिशत अनुदान पर रिक्शा देने की शुरुआत
भूमिहीनों के बीच भूमि पट्टा देने की योजना भी आरंभ
24 कनीय अभियंताओं को नियुक्ति पत्र
259 प्रखंडों में बीडीओ ने जनता दरबार लगाया
सरकार पारदर्शिता, परिश्रम और जवाबदेही के संकल्प के साथ काम करे. साझा कार्यक्रम में जो वादे किये गये हैं, वह पूरा होगा और सरकार इसके लिए काम करेगी.
जयराम रमेश, केंद्रीय ग्रामीण विकास मंत्री
विकास की लड़ाई लड़नी होगी : प्रदीप यादव
रांची: झारखंड स्थापना दिवस के मौके पर झाविमो युवा मोरचा द्वारा संकल्प दिवस की शुरुआत की गयी. 25 नवंबर तक मोरचा राज्य भर में संकल्प हस्ताक्षर अभियान चलायेगा. पार्टी विधायक दल के नेता प्रदीप यादव ने राजधानी में अभियान की शुरुआत की. उन्होंने कहा कि हम राज्य गठन के 14 वें वर्ष में प्रवेश कर गये. लोगों ने विकास का जो सपना देखा, पूरा नहीं हुआ. छात्र और युवा ठगे गये.
श्री यादव ने कहा कि राज्य में प्रति व्यक्ति 10 हजार रुपये का कर्ज है. राज्य की आर्थिक स्थिति बदहाल है. सरकार में शामिल रही पार्टियां पैसा खर्च नहीं कर पायीं. विकास के पैसे लूटे गये, लेकिन आज वही लोग विशेष राज्य की मांग कर रहे हैं. ऐसी पार्टियों के भ्रम में जनता पड़नेवाली नहीं है.
युवा मोरचा के केंद्रीय अध्यक्ष संतोष कुमार ने कहा कि 30 नवंबर को विशेष राज्य की मांग लेकर हजारों कार्यकर्ता राजभवन कूच करेंगे. केंद्रीय महासचिव राजीव रंजन प्रसाद ने कहा कि झारखंडियों की उपेक्षा अब बरदाश्त नहीं की जायेगी. कार्यक्रम में उत्तम यादव, इबरार अहमद, जीवेश सिंह सोलंकी, उज्ज्वल शाहदेव, अमित सिंह, सचिन खन्ना, प्रिय रंजन, मिठू झा, कौशल किशोर, संतोष यादव, बजरंग गुप्ता, अभिलेख सिंह, अजय दुबे, रौशन गाड़ी, संजय राय, सुनील सिंह, कन्हैया महतो, बैजू यादव, राकेश सिंह, विकेंद्र साहा, सुरेश पासवान ने हिस्सा लिया.
उलिहातू में हर घर पक्का होगा : सीएम ने कहा कि बेवजह कुछ लोग झारखंड को बदनाम करने के लिए यहां भय पैदा कर रहे हैं, ताकि आदिवासी व जंगल में रहनेवाले लोग इस आड़ में जेलों में पहुंचाये जा सके और झारखंड के गांवों की कीमती खनिज वे लूट सके. उलिहातू एक ऐतिहासिक स्थल है. आगामी छह माह में झारखंड में कई ड्रीम प्रोजेक्ट लागू होंगे. उलिहातू का कायाकल्प होगा. यहां का क्षेत्र एक आदर्श गांव के रूप में पहचाना जायेगा. उलिहातू में कोई भी घर मिट्टी का नहीं होगा. सभी पक्का घर सरकार बनवायेगी. गांव सोलर लाइट से जगमगायेगा.
बेहतर खिलाड़ी को सीधे नौकरी देंगे
सीएम ने कहा कि जो भी खिलाड़ी राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर बेहतर प्र्दशन करेंगे, उन्हें सरकार सीधी नौकरी देगी. उलिहातू में स्टेडियम सहित खूंटी के एस्ट्रोटर्फ का जीणोंद्वार होगा. रनिया एवं अड़की की 14 पंचायतों को आदर्श पंचायत के रूप में विकसित किया जायेगा. तोरपा राज्य का पहला प्रखंड होगा, जो जिला प्रशासन की सक्रियता के कारण खुले शौच से मुक्त होगा. सीएम ने कहा कि प्रदेश के 65 वर्ष तक के सभी समुदाय के लोगों को वृद्धावस्था पेंशन का लाभ मिलेगा. वद्धावस्था पेंशन की राशि बढ़ायी जायेगी.
राज्य में हड़िया मुक्ति मोरचा की जरूरत : जयराम रमेश
केंद्रीय ग्रामीण विकास मंत्री जयराम रमेश ने कहा कि राज्य में हड़िया से मुक्ति के लिए हड़िया मुक्ति मोरचा की जरूरत है. बिरसा मुंडा ने भी नशा के खिलाफ बिगुल फूंका था. जल्द ही उलिहातू में विशेष परियोजना क्रियान्वित होंगी. मंत्री अन्नपूर्णा देवी ने कहा कि आजादी के बाद भी अब तक उलिहातू में समुचित विकास नहीं हुआ है.
शिक्षा व टैलेंट से समुचित विकास : शिबू सोरेन
शिबू सोरेन ने कहा कि आदिवासी के नाम पर लोग कब तक नौकरी व सरकारी लाभ मांगते रहेंगे. शिक्षित और टेलेंट से समुचित विकास संभव है. इसके पूर्व डीसी मुकेश कुमार ने कहा कि आधार कार्ड के मामले में देश में खूंटी जिला पहले स्थान पर है. यह सब जनता की जागरूकता से ही संभव हो सका.
राजेंद्र, अन्नपूर्णा नाराज, मुख्य समारोह से दूर रहे
अलग झारखंड राज्य के गठन के 13वीं वर्षगांठ और 14वें स्थापना दिवस समारोह में राज्य के दो मंत्री शामिल नहीं हुए. मोरहाबादी मैदान में आयोजित मुख्य समारोह में राज्य के वित्त वाणिज्य कर, ऊर्जा एवं स्वास्थ्य मंत्री राजेंद्र सिंह और जल संसाधन तथा समाज कल्याण मंत्री अन्नपूर्णा देवी ने शिरकत नहीं की. सूत्रों का कहना है कि ये दोनों मंत्री मंत्रिमंडल समन्वय विभाग की ओर से तैयार किये गये प्रोटोकॉल की वजह से नाराज थे. अपनी नाराजगी की वजह से इन दोनों ने स्थापना दिवस समारोह में भाग भी नहीं लिया. ये मंत्री गंठबंधन धर्म का पालन नहीं करने व सहयोगी दलों को अधिक तवज्जो नहीं देने से भी नाराज थे.
मंत्रियों की नाराजगी का कारण : स्थापना दिवस समारोह को लेकर मंत्रिमंडल समन्वय विभाग की ओर से तैयार किये गये कार्यक्रम के प्रोटोकॉल में राज्यपाल डॉ सैयद अहमद, मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन, केंद्रीय मंत्री जयराम रमेश, विधानसभा अध्यक्ष शशांक शेखर भोक्ता, झामुमो सुप्रीमो शिबू सोरेन और सांसद सुबोधकांत सहाय के ही नाम तय किये गये. राज्य मंत्रिमंडल के किसी भी मंत्री का नाम प्रोटोकॉल में शामिल नहीं किया गया. राजेंद्र सिंह अपने विधानसभा क्षेत्र चले गये. वहीं अन्नपूर्णा देवी मुख्यमंत्री के साथ उलिहातू चली गयीं.
वहां से लौटने के बाद उन्होंने स्थापना दिवस समारोह में हिस्सा नहीं लिया. बेहतर कार्य करनेवाले सम्मानित साकेत सिंह को पुलिस पदक स्थापना दिवस पर साहसिक और बढ़िया काम करने वाले पुलिसकर्मियों को सम्मानित किया गया. रांची के एसएसपी साकेत कुमार सिंह पुलिस पदक प्राप्त करनेवाले इकलौते आइपीएस अधिकारी रहे. उन्हें गुमला, चाईबासा, सिमडेगा और रांची में नक्सलियों और अपराधियों के खिलाफ सराहनीय काम करने के लिए राज्यपाल द्वारा पुलिस पदक से सम्मानित किया गया. सम्मानित होनेवाले अन्य पुलिसकर्मियों में बलेंद्र कुमार सिंह, शैलेंद्र सिंह, अश्विनी सिन्हा, विनोद गुप्ता, एमेल्डा एक्का, विवेकानंद ठाकुर, मनोहर कुजूर, सैहुन खलखो, परमेश्वर प्रसाद, जयप्रकाश राणा, इम्तियाज अहसन, गगन सिंह, लाल बहादुर आले, छत्रजीत लिंबू, हारुण जोजो, अनिल कुमार सिंह, रमेश ठाकुर, राजकुमार सिंह व नीरज कांत रहे.
बेहतर प्रशासन के लिए संवेदनशील बनें
स्थापना दिवस समारोह में झारखंड विधानसभा के अध्यक्ष शशांक शेखर भोक्ता ने कहा : बेहतर प्रशासन के लिए सरकार को संवेदनशील होना होगा. विकास के लिए सरकार को गांव का रुख करना होगा. राज्य की 80 फीसदी आबादी गांवों में रहती है. झारखंड में सबसे ज्यादा किसान हैं. किसानों का ध्यान रखना जरूरी है. राज्य में सिंचाई की सुविधा बेहतर बनाने की आवश्यकता है. इसके लिए वर्षा के पानी का उपयोग जरूरी है. ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों के तालाबों के रख-रखाव पर ध्यान देने की आवश्यकता है. श्री भोक्ता ने कहा : राज्य सरकार के लिए सबको रोजगार देना संभव नहीं है. रोजगार बढ़ाने के लिए तेलहन-दलहन की खेती को प्रोत्साहित करना चाहिए. बुनकरों को बाजार सुलभ कराना चाहिए. मुख्यमंत्री से आग्रह करते हुए श्री भोक्ता ने कहा : सेरोगेट मदर से ज्यादा संवेदनशील अपनी मां होती है. राज्य गठन के 13 सालों बाद भी किराये के भवन में विधानसभा का चलना शर्मनाक है. इसी वित्तीय वर्ष में विधानसभा के लिए भवन का प्रावधान किया जाना चाहिए.
विकास की शुरुआत घर से करें : शिबू
पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री शिबू सोरेन ने कहा कि झारखंड अन्य राज्यों की तरह आगे नहीं बढ़ सका है. कहीं न कहीं गलती हो रही है या सरकार जानबूझ कर विकास नहीं कर रही है, यह सोचने की जरूरत है. विकास के रास्ते पर चलने का दिन बना लें. इसकी शुरुआत अपने घर से करें.
गिनाने के लिए उपलब्धियां नहीं
सांसद सुबोधकांत सहाय ने कहा : झारखंड गठन के बाद 13 साल की यात्रा में सरकार के पास गिनाने के लिए उपलब्धियां नहीं हैं. यह नयी शुरुआत का समय है. हेमंत सोरेन की अगुवाईवाली साझा सरकार में कुछ करने का माद्दा है. इच्छा है. प्रखंडों में जाकर जनता दरबार लगाने का सोच बढ़िया है. प्रखंडों और पंचायतों को सशक्त बनाने से ही राज्य का विकास हो सकता है. पंचायतों को अधिकार मिले, तो बजट राशि खर्च की जा सकेगी. श्री सहाय ने कहा : सरकार के सामने चुनौतियां बहुत हैं. हेमंत सरकार ने चुनौतियों को स्वीकारा है और चुनौतियों से जूझनेवालों को ही जीत नसीब होती है.
झारखंड आंदोलन
http://hi.wikipedia.org/s/4id
मुक्त ज्ञानकोष विकिपीडिया से
झारखंड का अर्थ है "वन क्षेत्र", झारखंड वनों से आच्छादित छोटानागपुर के पठार का हिस्सा है जो गंगा के मैदानी हिस्से के दक्षिण में स्थित है। झारखंड शब्द का प्रयोग कम से कम चार सौ साल पहले सोलहवीं शताब्दी में हुआ माना जाता है। अपने बृहत और मूल अर्थ में झारखंड क्षेत्र में पुराने बिहार के ज्यादतर दक्षिणी हिस्से और छत्तीसगढ, पश्चिम बंगाल और उड़ीसा के कुछ आदिवासी जिले शामिल है। देश की लगभग नब्बे प्रतिशत अनुसूचित जनजाति का यह निवास स्थल है। इस आबादी का बड़ा हिस्सा 'मुंडा', 'हो' और 'संथाल' आदि जनजातियों का है, लेकिन इनके अलावे भी बहुत सी दूसरी आदिवासी जातियां यहां मौजूद हैं जो इस झारखंड आंदोलन में काफी सक्रिय रही हैं। चूँकि झारखंड पठारी और वनों से आच्छादित क्षेत्र है इसलिये इसकी रक्षा करना तुलनात्मक रुप से आसान है। परिणामस्वरुप, पारंपरिक रुप से यह क्षेत्र सत्रहवीं शताब्दी के शुरुआत तक, जब तक मुगलशासक यहाँ नहीं पहुँचे, यह क्षेत्र स्वायत्त रहा है। मुगल प्रशासन ने धीरे धीरे इस क्षेत्र में अपना प्रभुत्व स्थापित करना शुरु किया और फलस्वरुप यहाँ की स्वायत्त भूमि व्यवस्था में आमूल चूल परिवर्तन हुआ, सारी व्यवस्था ज़मींदारी व्यवस्था में बदल गयी जबकि इससे पहले यहाँ भूमि सार्वजनिक संपत्ति के रुप में मानी जाती थी।
यह ज़मींदारी प्रवृति ब्रिटिश शासन के दौरान और भी मज़बूत हुई और जमीने धीरे धीरे कुछ लोगों के हाथ में जाने लगीं जिससे यहाँ बँधुआ मज़दूर वर्ग का उदय होने लगा। ये मजदूर हमेशा कर्ज के बोझ तले दबे होते थे और परिणामस्वरुप बेगार करते थे। जब आदिवासियों के ब्रिटिश न्याय व्यवस्था से कोई उम्मीद किरण नहीं दिखी तो आदिवासी विद्रोह पर उतर आये। अठारहवीं शताब्दी में कोल्ह, भील और संथाल समुदायों द्वारा भीषण विद्रोह किया गया। अंग्रेजों ने बाद मेंउन्निसवीं शताब्दी और बीसवीं शताब्दी में कुछ सुधारवादी कानून बनाये।
1845 में पहली बार यहाँ ईसाई मिशनरियों के आगमन से इस क्षेत्र में एक बड़ा सांस्कृतिक परिवर्तन और उथल-पुथल शुरु हुआ। आदिवासी समुदाय का एक बड़ा और महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा ईसाईयत की ओर आकृष्ट हुआ। क्षेत्र में ईसाई स्कूल और अस्पताल खुले। लेकिन ईसाई धर्म में बृहत धर्मांतरण के बावज़ूद आदिवासियों ने अपनी पारंपरिक धार्मिक आस्थाएँ भी कायम रखी और ये द्वंद कायम रहा।
झारखंड के खनिज पदार्थों से संपन्न प्रदेश होने का खामियाजा भी इस क्षेत्र के आदिवासियों को चुकाते रहना पड़ा है। यह क्षेत्र भारत का सबसे बड़ा खनिज क्षेत्र है जहाँ कोयला,लोहा प्रचुर मात्रा में उपलब्ध है और इसके अलावा बाक्साईट, ताँबा चूना-पत्थर इत्यादि जैसे खनिज भी बड़ी मात्रा में हैं। यहाँ कोयले की खुदाई पहली बार 1856 में शुरु हुआ और टाटा आयरन ऐंड स्टील कंपनीकी स्थापना 1907 में जमशेदपुर में की गई। इसके बावजूद कभी इस क्षेत्र की प्रगति पर ध्यान नहीं दिया गया। केंद्र में चाहे जिस पार्टी की सरकार रही हो, उसने हमेशा इस क्षेत्र के दोहन के विषय में ही सोचा था।
आधुनिक काल[संपादित करें]
आधुनिक झारखंड आंदोलन की शुरुआत 20 वी सदी के शुरुआत हुई, जिसकी पहल ईसाई आदिवासियों द्वारा शुरु की गयी लेकिन बाद में इसे सभी वर्गों जिसमें गैर आदिवासी भी शामिल थे; का समर्थन हासिल हुआ। पहले रोमन कैथोलिक ईसाई और प्रोटेस्टेंट ईसाई समुदायों में प्रतिस्पर्धा हुआ करता था लेकिन चुनाव के समय इनकी एकजुटता से1930 के चुनावों में इन्हें कुछ सफलताएँ हासिल हुईं। इस समय आंदोलन का नेतृत्व दिकु (झारखंड में बाहर से आये धनी ज़मींदारों और अन्य बाहरी लोगों के लिये उस समय के झारखंडी आदिवासियों द्वारा इस्तेमाल किया जानेवाल शब्द) कर रहे थे। झारखंड क्षेत्र के प्रवक्ता और प्रतिनिधि ब्रिटिश सरकार की संविधानिक संस्थाओं के पास अपना प्रतिवेदन लेकर जाते थे; लेकिन उसमें कोई उल्लेखनीय सफलता उन्हें नहीं मिलती थी।
आजादी के बाद[संपादित करें]
1947 में भारत की आज़ादी के बाद व्यवस्थित रूप से औद्योगिक विकास पर काफी बल दिया गया जो भारी उद्योगों पर केन्द्रित थी और जिसके लिये खनिजों की खुदाई एक जरूरी हिस्सा थी। समाजवादी सरकारी नीति के तहत भारत सरकार द्वारा आदिवासियों की जमीनें बगैर उचित मुआवज़े के अन्य हाथों में जाने लगीं। दूसरी तरफ़ सरकार का यह भी मानना था कि चूँकि वहाँ की जमीन बहुत उपजाऊ नही है इसलिये वहाँ औद्योगीकरण न सिर्फ़ राष्ट्रीय हित के लिये आवश्यक है बल्कि स्थानीय विकास के लिये भी जरूरी है। लेकिन औद्योगीकरण का नतीजा हुआ कि वहाँ बाहरी लोगों का दखल और भी बढ गया और बड़ी सँख्या में लोग कारखानों में काम के लिये वहाँ आने लगे। इससे वहाँ स्थानीय लोगों में असंतोष की भावना उभरने लगी और उन्हें लगा कि उनके साथ नौकरियों में भेद-भाव किया जा रहा है। 1971 में बनी राष्ट्रीय खनन नीति इसी का परिणाम थी।
सरकारी भवनों, बाँधों, इत्यादी के लिये भी भूमि का अधिग्रहण होने लगा। लेकिन कुछ पर्यवेक्षकों का मानना है कि इन बाँधों से उत्पादन होने वाली बिजली का बहुत कम हिस्सा इस क्षेत्र को मिलता था। इसके अलावा सरकार द्वारा वनरोपण के क्रम में वहाँ की स्थानीय रुप से उगने वाले पेड़ पौधों के बदले व्यवसायिक रुप से फ़ायदेमंद पेड़ों का रोपण होने लगा। पारंपरिक झूम खेती और चारागाह क्षेत्र सिमटने लगे और उनपर प्रतिबंधों और नियमों की गाज गिरने लगी। आज़ादी के बाद के दशकों में ऐसी अनेक समस्याएँ बढती गयीं।
राजनैतिक स्तर पर 1949 में जयपाल सिंह के नेतृत्व में झारखंड पार्टी का गठन हुआ जो पहले आमचुनाव में सभी आदिवासी जिलों में पूरी तरह से दबंग पार्टी रही। जब राज्य पुनर्गठन आयोग बना तो झारखंड की भी माँग हुई जिसमें तत्कालीन बिहार के अलावा उड़ीसा और बंगाल का भी क्षेत्र शामिल था। आयोग ने उस क्षेत्र में कोई एक आम भाषा न होने के कारण झारखंड के दावे को खारिज कर दिया। 1950 के दशकों में झारखंड पार्टी बिहारमें सबसे बड़ी विपक्षी दल की भूमिका में रहा लेकिन धीरे धीरे इसकी शक्ति में क्षय होना शुरु हुआ। आंदोलन को सबसे बड़ा अघात तब पहुँचा जब 1963 में जयपाल सिंह ने झारखंड पार्टी ने बिना अन्य सदस्यों से विचार विमर्श किये कांग्रेस में विलय कर दिया। इसकी प्रतिक्रिया स्वरुप छोटानागपुर क्षेत्र में कई छोटे छोटे झारखंड नामधारी दलों का उदय हुआ जो आमतौर पर विभिन्न समुदायों का प्रतिनिधित्व करती थी और विभिन्न मात्राओं में चुनावी सफलताएँ भी हासिल करती थीं।
झारखंड आंदोलन में ईसाई-आदिवासी और गैर-ईसाई आदिवासी समूहों में भी परस्पर प्रतिद्वंदिता की भावना रही है। इसका कुछ कारण शिक्षा का स्तर रहा है तो कुछ राजनैतिक । 1940, 1960 के दशकों में गैर ईसाई आदिवासियों ने अपनी अलग सँस्थाओं का निर्माण किया और सरकार को प्रतिवेदन देकर ईसाई आदिवासी समुदायों केअनुसूचित जनजाति के दर्जे को समाप्त करने की माँग की, जिसके समर्थन और विरोध में काफी राजनैतिक गोलबंदी हुई। अगस्त 1995 में बिहार सरकार ने 180 सदस्यों वालेझारखंड स्वायत्तशासी परिषद की स्थापना की।
प्राचीन इतिहास क्रम[संपादित करें]
1765 - छोटानागपुर में संथाल परगना का ब्रिटिश राज में अधिग्रहण
1772-80 - पहाड़िया विद्रोह
1780-85 - तिलका माँझी के नेतृत्व में ब्रिटिश सेना से सफल मुकाबला
1785 - तिलका माँझी को तमाड़ विद्रोह के सिलसिले में भागलपुर कारागार में फाँसी की सजा
1795-1800 - तमाड़ विद्रोह
1797 - विष्णु मानकी के नेतृत्व में मुंडा विद्रोह
1798 - वीरभूम बाँकुड़ा में मानभूम का चौर विद्रोह
1798-99 - मानभूम का भूमिज विद्रोह
1800-02 - तमाड़ के दुखन मानकी के नेतृत्व में मुंडा विद्रोह
1819-20 - भूकन सिंह के नेतृत्व में पलामू में मुंडा विद्रोह
1832-33 - खेरवाड़ विद्रोह
1833-34 - वीरभूम के गंगानारायण सिंह के नेतृत्व में भूमिज विद्रोह
1855 - लॉर्ड कार्नवालिस के खिलाफ़ संथाल विद्रोह
1855-60 - सिद्धू कान्हू विद्रोह
1874-99 - बिरसा मुंडा का आंदोलन
1874 - भागीरथ माँझी का खैरवाड़ विद्रोह
1912 - बिहार का विभाजन छोटानागपुर का बंगाल में विलय
1913 - छोटानागपुर उन्नति समाज का गठन
1914 - तानाभगत का आंदोलन
1936 - उड़ीसा का गठन
1947 - झारखंड पार्टी का गठन 28 दिसंबर
1951 - झारखंड पार्टी का विधान सभा में मुख्य विपक्षी दल बनना
-
1969 - शीबू सोरेन द्वारा सोनत सांथाल समाज की स्थापना
Images for झारखंड आंदोलन
झारखंड विशेष राज्य के लिए आंदोलन करेगी आजसू ...
Aug 21, 2013 - रांची: आजसू पार्टी झारखंड को विशेष राज्य का दरजा देने की मांग को लेकरआंदोलन की तैयारी में है.
झारखंड आंदोलन : गवाही इतिहास की - Shibu Soren
Aug 25, 2008 - प्राकृतिक संपदा में देश का सबसे धनी राज्य झारखंड आज वास्तविक तौर पर सबसे गरीब है। यहां के लोग आज भी जैसे आदिम युग से निकलने के लिये कसमसा रहे हैं। ये वह लोग हैं जो वास्तव में झारखंड के बाशिंदें हैं, न कि पूंजीवादी तिकडमों ...
झारखंड आंदोलन की आवाज बुलंद की : बलजीत सिंह बेदी ...
Oct 2, 2012 - कुछ ही महीनों बाद स्थापना का स्वर्ण जयंती वर्ष पूरा कर रहा झारखंड का सबसे पुराना अखबार 'रांची एक्सप्रेस' न केवल झारखंड आंदोलन का गवाह रहा है, बल्कि अखबार ने अलग राज्य आंदोलन और इसे मिल रहे व्यापक जनसमर्थन की खबरों को ...
झारखंड आंदोलन को गति दी : जयप्रकाश भाई पटेल ...
Jun 12, 2013 - 1963 से झारखंड (अविभाजित बिहार) में प्रकाशित होने वाला यह वास्तव में झारखंड का प्रथम संपूर्ण समाचारपत्र था जिसने झारखंड आंदोलन से संबंधित समाचारों व विचारों को प्रमुखता से छापकर आंदोलन को गति और दिशा दी। अंतत: इसका ...
झारखंड आंदोलन में अग्रणी भूमिका प्रो. सुकल्याण ...
Mar 19, 2013 - झारखंड आंदोलन को खड़ा करने का काम 'रांची एक्सप्रेस' ने किया। 'रांची एक्सप्रेस' प्रारंभिक काल में भी झारखंड का प्रतिनिधित्व करता रहा और आज भी यह अकेला अखबार है जिसमें झारखंड राज्य के सभी जिलों की महत्वपूर्ण खबरें रहती ...
झारखंड आंदोलन का रोजनामचा हरीश कुमार « Jharkhand ...
Apr 3, 2013 - झारखंड बनने से पहले और फिर झारखंड बनने के बाद इसके कई उदाहरण मौजूद हैं।झारखंड आंदोलन के दौरान इसकी भूमिका काफी अहम रही और इसे कोई नकार नहीं सकता। सच कहें तो झारखंड आंदोलन का इतिहास 'रांची एक्सप्रेस' की चर्चा के बगैर कभी ...
झारखंड को लुटेरों के चंगुल से कैसे बचाया जाए ...
Nov 21, 2012 - सभी संघर्ष स्वतःस्फुर्त ढंग से उभरते हैं और बिना कोई राजनीतिक ताकत बने दमन की कहानी मात्र बनकर रह जाते हैं. हम सारे लोग जो झारखंड आंदोलन में खुद को शामिल मानते हैं, के लिए यह एक गंभीर सवाल है. जो न सिर्फ मूल्यांकन बल्कि एक नई ...
झारखंड आंदोलन से जुड़े बासु देवगम का निधन - Desh ...
May 26, 2013 - नोवामुंडी। झारखंड आंदोलन से जुड़े नोवामुंडी के तोड़ेतोपा गांव के बासु देवगम (उम्र 51 वर्ष) का निधन शनिवार को उनके पैतृक आवास पर हो गया। वे अपने पीछे पत्नी के साथ तीन बच्चों को छोड़ गए हैं। उनके निधन से.
झारखण्ड
http://hi.wikipedia.org/s/70
मुक्त ज्ञानकोष विकिपीडिया से
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सबसे बड़ा शहर | |
जनसंख्या | २६,९०९,४२८ |
- घनत्व | ३३८ /किमी² |
७९,७०० किमी² | |
- जिले | २२ |
राजभाषा(एँ) | |
प्रतिष्ठा | |
- राज्यपाल | |
- विधानसभा | |
आइएसओ संक्षेप | |
झारखंड, (बांग्ला: ঝাড়খণ্ড, dʒʰaːrkʰəɳɖ) यानि 'झार' या 'झाड़' जो स्थानीय रूप में वन का पर्याय है और 'खंड' यानि टुकड़े से मिलकर बना है। अपने नाम के अनुरुप यह मूलत: एक वनप्रदेश है जो झारखंड आंदोलनके फलस्वरुप (जिसे बाद में कुछ लोगों द्वारा वनांचल आंदोलन के नाम से जाना जाता है) सृजित हुआ। प्रचुर मात्रा में खनिज की उपलबध्ता के कारण इसे भारत का 'रूर' भी कहा जाता है जो जर्मनी में खनिज-प्रदेश के नाम से विख्यात है।
72 वर्षों पहले आदिवासी महासभा ने जयपाल सिंह मुंडा की अगुआई में अलग 'झारखंड' का सपना देखा. पर वर्ष 2000 में कद्र सरकार ने 15 नवंबर (आदिवासी नायक बिरसा मुंडा के जन्मदिन) को भारत का अठ्ठाइसवाँ राज्य बना झारखंड भारत के नवीनतम प्रान्तों में से एक है। बिहार के दक्षिणी हिस्से को विभाजित कर झारखंड प्रदेश का सृजन किया गया था। औद्योगिक नगरी राँची इसकी राजधानी है। इस प्रदेश के अन्य बड़े शहरों में धनबाद, बोकारो एवं जमशेदपुर शामिल हैं।
झारखंड की सीमाँए उत्तर में बिहार, पश्चिम में उत्तर प्रदेश एवं छत्तीसगढ, दक्षिण में उड़ीसा और पूर्व में पश्चिम बंगाल को छूती हैं। लगभ संपूर्ण प्रदेश छोटानागपुर के पठार पर अवस्थित है। कोयल, दामोदर, खड़कई, औरसुवर्णरेखा। स्वर्णरेखा यहाँ की प्रमुख नदियाँ हैं। संपूर्ण भारत में वनों के अनुपात में प्रदेश एक अग्रणी राज्य माना जाता है तथा वन्यजीवों के संरक्षण के लिये मशहूर है।
झारखंड क्षेत्र विभिन्न भाषाओं, संस्कृतियों एवं धर्मों का संगम क्षेत्र कहा जा सकता है। द्रविड़, आर्य, एवं आस्ट्रो-एशियाई तत्वों के सम्मिश्रण का इससे अच्छा कोई क्षेत्र भारत में शायद ही दिखता है। इस शहर की गतिविधियाँ मुख्य रूप से राजधानी राँची और जमशेदपुर, धनबाद तथा बोकारो जैसे औद्योगिक केन्द्रों से सबसे ज्यादा प्रभावित होती हैं।
अनुक्रम
[छुपाएँ]
इतिहास[संपादित करें]
मुख्य लेख : झारखंड का इतिहास
झारखंड राज्य की मांग का इतिहास लगभग सौ साल से भी पुराना है जब 1900 इसवी के आसपास जयपाल सिंह जो भारतीय हाकी खिलाड़ी थे और जिन्होंने ओलोम्पिकखेलों में भारतीय हाकी टीम के कप्तान का भी दायित्व निभाया था, ने पहली बार तत्कालीन बिहार के दक्षिणी जिलों को मिलाकर झारखंड राज्य बनाने का विचार रखा था। लेकिन यह विचार 2 अगस्त सन 2000 में साकार हुआ जब संसद ने इस संबंध में एक बिल पारित किया और उसी साल 15 नवंबर को झारखंड राज्य ने मूर्त रूप ग्रहण किया और भारत के 28 वें प्रांत के रूप में प्रतिष्ठापित हुआ।
इतिहासविदों का मानना है कि झारखंड की विशिष्ट भू-स्थैतिक संरचना, अलग सांस्कृतिक पहचान इत्यादि को झारखंड क्षेत्र को मगध साम्राज्य से पहले से भी एक अलग इकाई के रूप में चिन्हित किया जाता रहा। किंवदंतियों के अनुसार तेरहवीं सदी में उड़ीसा के राजा जयसिंह देव को इस प्रदेश के लोग अपना राजा मानते थे। झारखंड के प्रारंभिक इतिहास में इस राजवंश की काफी प्रभावशाली भूमिका रही है। इससे पूर्व इस क्षेत्र में मुख्य रूप से कबिलाई सरदारों का बोलबाला रहा करता था लेकिन काफी क्षेत्रों में निरंकुशता एवं उनकी मनमानी की वजह से लोगों ने यहाँ से बाहर के रजवाड़ों से मदद की अपील की जिन्हें उस समय न्यायिक दृष्टि से काफी हद तक निष्पक्ष माना जाता था। इस तरह पहली बार इस क्षेत्र में बाहरी लोगों का हस्तक्षेप शुरु हुआ जब उड़ीसा एवं अन्य क्षेत्रों के राजाओं ने अपनी सेना के साथ यहाँ दखल देना शुरु किया। कुछ अच्छे कबिलाई सरदार जिनका काम अच्छा था एवं जिनका प्रजा से अच्छा संबंध था उनका प्रभाव इस क्षेत्र में बाद तक कायम रहा, जिनमें मुख्य रुप से बहुत से मुंडा सरदार थे और आज भी बहुत से ईलाकों में ये काफी प्रभावशाली हैं। (देखें: मुंडा मानकी प्रथा)। बाद में मुगल सल्तनत के दौरान झारखंड को कुकरा प्रदेश के नाम से जाना जाता था। 1765के बाद यह ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य के अधीन हो गया। ब्रिटिश दासता के अधीन यहाँ काफी अत्याचार हुए और अन्य प्रदेशों से आनेवाले लोगों का काफी दबदबा हो गया था। इस कालखंड में इस प्रदेश में ब्रिटिशों के खिलाफ बहुत से विद्रोह हुए जिसे आदिवासी विद्रोहों के नाम से सामूहिक रूप से जाना जाता है, इनमें से कुछ प्रमुख विद्रोह थे:-
1780-1785 तिलका मांझी के नेतृत्व में मांझी विद्रोह जिसमें भागलपुर में 1785 में तिलका मांझी को फांसी दी गयी थी।
1795-1800 मुंडा विद्रोह विष्णु मानकी के नेतृत्व में
1800-1802 मुंडा विद्रोह तमाड़ के दुखन मानकी के नेतृत्व में
1819-1820 मुंडा विद्रोह पलामू के भूकन सिंह के नेतृत्व में
1832-1833 खेवर विद्रोह भागीरथ, दुबाई गोसाई, एवं पटेल सिंह के नेतृत्व में
1833-1834 भूमिज विद्रोह वीरभूम के गंगा नारायण के नेतृत्व में
1855 लार्ड कार्नवालिस के खिलाफ सांथालों का विद्रोह
1856-1857 शहीदलाल, विश्वनाथ सहदेव, शेख भिखारी, गनपतराय एवं बुधु बीर का सिपाही विद्रोह के दौरान आंदोलन
1874 खेरवार आंदोलन भागीरथ मांझी के नेतृत्व में
1895-1900 बिरसा मुंडा के नेतृत्व में मुंडा विद्रोह
इन सभी विद्रोहों के भारतीय ब्रिटिश सेना द्वारा फौजों की भारी तादाद से निष्फल कर दिया गया था। इसके बाद 1914 में ताना भगत के नेतृत्व में लगभग छब्बीस हजार आदिवासियों ने फिर से ब्रिटिश सत्ता के खिलाफ विद्रोह किया था जो बाद में महात्मा गांधी के सविनय अवज्ञा आंदोलन का हिस्सा बन गया।
भौगोलिक स्थिति एवं जलवायु[संपादित करें]
प्रदेश का ज्यादातर हिस्सा छोटानागपुर पठार का हिस्सा है जो कोयल, दामोदर, ब्रम्हाणी, खड़कई, एवं स्वर्णरेखा नदियों का उदगम स्थल भी है जिनके जलक्षेत्र ज्यादातर झारखंड में है। प्रदेश का ज्यादातर हिस्सा वन-क्षेत्र है, जहाँ हाथियों एवं बाघों की बहुतायत है।
मिट्टी के वर्गीकरण के अनुसार, प्रदेश की ज्यादातर भूमि चट्टानों एवं पत्थरों के अपरदन से बनी है। जिन्हें इस प्रकार उप-विभाजित किया जा सकता है:-
लाल मिट्टी, जो ज्यादातर दामोदर घाटी, एवं राजमहल क्षेत्रों में पायी जाती है।
माइका युक्त मिट्टी, जो कोडरमा, झुमरी तिलैया, बड़कागाँव, एवं मंदार पर्वत के आसपास के क्षेत्रों में पायी जाती है।
बलुई मिट्टी, ज्यादातर हजारीबाग एवं धनबाद क्षेत्रों की भूमि में पायी जाती है।
काली मिट्टी, राजमहल क्षेत्र में
लैटेराइट मिट्टी, जो राँची के पश्चिमी हिस्से, पलामू, संथाल परगना के कुछ क्षेत्र एवं पश्चिमी एवं पूर्वी सिंहभूम में पायी जाती है।
वानस्पतिकी एवं जैविकी[संपादित करें]
झारखंड वानस्पतिक एवं जैविक विविधताओं का भंडार कहना अतिशयोक्ति नहीं होगी। प्रदेश के अभ्यारण्य एवं वनस्पति उद्यान इसकी बानगी सही मायनों में पेश करते हैं।बेतला राष्ट्रीय अभ्यारण्य (पलामू), जो डाल्टेनगंज से 25 किमी की दूरी पर स्थित है, लगभग 250 वर्ग किमी में फैला हुआ है। विविध वन्य जीव यथा बाघ, हाथी, भैंसेसांभर, सैंकड़ो तरह के जंगली सूअर एवं 20 फुट लंबा अजगर चित्तीदार हिरणों के झुंड, चीतल एवं अन्य स्तनधारी प्राणी इस पार्क की शोभा बढाते हैं। इस पार्क को 1974 मेंप्रोजेक्ट टाइगर के तहत सुरक्षित क्षेत्र घोषित कर दिया गया था।
जनसांख्यिकी[संपादित करें]
झारखंड की आबादी लगभग 26.90 मिलियन है जिसमें 13.86 मिलियन पुरुष एवं 13.04 मिलियन स्त्री हैं। यहाँ का लिंगानुपात 941 स्त्री प्रति 1000 पुरुष है। यहाँ की आबादी में 28% अनुसूचित जनजाति, 12% अनुसूचित जाति शामिल हैं। प्रतिवर्ग किलोमीटर जनसंख्या का घनत्व लगभग 274 है परंतु इसमें काफी विविधता है क्योंकि राज्य में कहीं कहीं काफी सघन आबादी है तो कहीं वन प्रदेश होने की वजह से घनत्व काफी कम है। गुमला जिले में जहाँ यह मात्र 148 व्यक्ति/वर्ग किमी है तो धनबाद जिले में 1167 व्यक्ति/वर्ग किमी है। [1]
पुरातन काल से ही यह प्रदेश आदिवासी जनजातियों का गृहक्षेत्र रहा है। किसी किसी जिले में तो जनजातिय आबादी ही बहुसंख्यक आबादी है। झारखंड में 32 जनजातिय समूहों का निवास है जिसमें असुर, बैगा, बंजारा, भथुड़ी, बेदिया, बिंझिया, बिरहोर, बिरिजिया, चेरो, चिक-बराईक, गोंड, गोराईत, हो, करमाली, खैरवार, खोंड, किसान,कोरा, कोरवा, लोहरा, महली, मलपहाड़िया, मुंडा, ओरांव, पहाड़िया, सांथाल, सौरिया-पहाड़िया, सावर, भूमिज, कोल एवम कंवर शामिल हैं।
वर्तमान झारखंड का भौगोलिक क्षेत्र दक्षिणी बिहार का हिस्सा था। जमशेदपुर, धनबाद एवं राँची जैसे औद्योगिक एवं खनन क्षेत्रों की वजह सेपिछले कई दशकों में पड़ोसी राज्यपश्चिम बंगाल, उड़ीसा, बिहार एवं छत्तीसगढ से लोग इस प्रदेश में आते रहे हैं। यद्यपि झारखंड में गरीबी पिछले कुछ सालों 2% की दर से कम हुई है लेकिन भारतीय मानक के अनुसार यह अभी भी काफी पिछड़े क्षेत्रों में गिना जा सकता है।
राज्य की बहुसंख्यक आबादी हिन्दू धर्म (लगभा 81%) मानती है। दूसरे स्थान पर (13.8%) इस्लाम धर्म है एवं राज्य की लगभग 4.1% आबादी ईसाइयत को मानती है। राज्य में अन्य बहुत से धर्मों की मौजूदगी भी है परंतु ये काफी कम हैं।
अर्थतंत्र[संपादित करें]
झारखंड की अर्थव्यवस्था मुख्यरूप से खनिज और वन संपदा से निर्देशित है। लोहा, कोयला, माइका, बाक्साइट, फायर-क्ले, ग्रेफाइट, कायनाइट, सेलीमाइट, चूना पत्थर,युरेनियम और दूसरी खनिज संपदाओं की प्रचुरता की वजह से यहाँ उद्योग-धंधों का जाल बिछा है। खनिज उत्पादों के खनन से झारखंड को सालाना तीस हजार करोड़ रुपये की आय होती है। झारखंड न केवल अपने उद्योग-धंधों में इसका इस्तेमाल करता है बल्कि दूसरे राज्यों को भी इसकी पूर्ति करता है। 2004 में बिहार से विभाजन के पश्चात झारखंड का जीडीपी 2004 में चौदह बिलियन डालर आंका गया था।
उद्योग-धंधे[संपादित करें]
झारखंड में भारत के कुछ सर्वाधिक औद्योगिकृत स्थान यथा - जमशेदपुर, राँची, बोकारो एवं धनबाद इत्यादि स्थित हैं। झारखंड के उद्योगों में कुछ प्रमुख हैं :
भारत का सबसे बड़ा उर्वरक कारखाना सिंदरी में स्थित था जो अब बंद हो चुका है।
भारत का पहला और विश्व का पाँचवां सबसे बड़ा इस्पात कारखाना टाटा स्टील जमशेदपुर में।
एक और बड़ा इस्पात कारखाना बोकारो स्टील प्लांट बोकारो में।
मीथेन गैस का पहला प्लांट।
सरकार एवं राजनीति[संपादित करें]
मुख्य लेख : झारखण्ड के मुख्यमन्त्रियों की सूची और झारखण्ड के राज्यपालों की सूची
झारखंड के मुखिया यहाँ के राज्यपाल हैं जो राष्ट्रपति द्वार नियुक्त किए जाते हैं परंतु वास्तविक कार्यकारी शक्तियाँ मुख्यमंत्री के हाथों में केन्द्रित होती है जो अपनी सहायता के लिए एक मंत्रीमंडल का भी गठन करता है। राज्य का प्रशासनिक मुखिया राज्य का मुख्य सचिव होता है जो प्रशासनिक सेवा द्वारा चुनकर आते हैं। न्यायिक व्यस्था का प्रमुखराँची स्थित उच्च न्यायलय के प्रमुख न्यायधीश होता है। झारखंड भारत के उन तेरह राज्यों में शामिल है जो नक्सलवाद की समस्या से बुरी तरह जूझ रहा है। अभी हाल ही में 5 मार्च 2007 को चौदहवीं लोकसभा से जमशेदपुर के सांसद सुनील महतो, की नक्सवादी उग्रवादियों द्वारा गोली मार कर ह्त्या कर दी गयी थी। [2]
वर्तमान में झारखण्ड के मुख्यमंत्री झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा के हेमंत सोरेन हैं।[1] सईद अहमद वर्तमान में झारखण्ड के राज्यपाल हैं।
प्रशासनिक जिला इकाइयाँ[संपादित करें]
राज्य का निर्माण होने के समय झारखंड में 18 जिले थे जो पहले दक्षिण बिहार का हिस्सा हुआ करते थे। इनमें से कुछ जिलों को पुनर्गठित करके छह नये जिले सृजित किए गये :- लातेहार, सराईकेला खरसाँवा जामताड़ा साहिबगंज खूँटी एवं रामगढ। वर्तमान में राज्य में चौबीस जिले हैं झारखंड के जिले:
राँची, लोहरदग्गा, गुमला, सिमडेगा, पलामू, लातेहार, गढवा, पश्चिमी सिंहभूम, सराईकेला खरसाँवा, पूर्वी सिंहभूम, दुमका, जामताड़ा, साहिबगंज, पाकुड़, गोड्डा,हजारीबाग, चतरा, कोडरमा, गिरिडीह, धनबाद, बोकारो, देवघर, खूँटी, रामगढ
जिले[संपादित करें]
झारखंड में 24 जिले हैं जो इस प्रकार हैं:-
कोडरमा जिला, गढवा जिला, गिरीडीह जिला, गुमला जिला, चतरा जिला, जामताड़ा जिला, दुमका जिला, देवघर जिला, गोड्डा जिला, धनबाद जिला, पलामू जिला, पश्चिमी सिंहभूम जिला (मुख्यालय:चाईबासा), पूर्वी सिंहभूम जिला (मुख्यालय: जमशेदपुर), बोकारो जिला, पाकुड़ जिला, राँची जिला, लातेहार जिला, लोहरदग्गा जिला, सराइकेला खरसावाँ जिला, साहिबगंज जिला, सिमडेगा जिला, हजारीबाग जिला, खूंटी जिला और रामगढ़ जिला
यह भी देखें:झारखंड का जिलेवार मानचित्र
यातायात[संपादित करें]
झारखंड की राजधानी राँची संपूर्ण देश से सड़क एवं रेल मार्ग द्वारा काफी अच्छी तरह जुड़ा हुआ है। राष्ट्रीय राजमार्ग 2, 27, 33 इस राज्य से होकर गुजरती है। इस प्रदेश का दूसरा प्रमुख शहर टाटानगर (जमशेदपुर) दिल्ली कोलकाता मुख्य रेलमार्ग पर बसा हुआ है जो राँची से 120 किलोमीटर दक्षिण में बसा है। राज्य का में एकमात्र राष्ट्रीय हवाई अड्डा राँची का बिरसा मुंडा हवाई-अड्डा है जो देश के प्रमुख शहरों; मुंबई, दिल्ली, कोलकाता और पटना से जुड़ा है। इंडियन एयरलाइन्स और एयर सहारा की नियमित उड़ानें आपको इस शहर से हवाई-मार्ग द्वारा जोड़ती हैं। सबसे नजदीकी अंतर्राष्ट्रीय हवाई अड्डा कोलकाता का नेताजी सुभाषचंद्र बोस हवाई अड्डा है।
पर्व-त्यौहार[संपादित करें]
पारंपरिक आदिवासी नृत्य
झारखंड आदिवासी बहुल राज्य है। इसलिए यहां की संस्कृति में आदिम जीवन का रंग-गंध यहां के सभी पर्व-त्योहारों में बिखरा पड़ा है। हालांकि अंग्रेजी शासन के बाद से ही यहां बाहरी समुदायों की बढ़ती हुई भारी आबादी के कारण, हिन्दू, मुस्लिम एवं अन्य धर्मावलंबियों की सांस्कृतिक छटा भी देखने को मिलते हैं। फिर भी आदिवासी पर्व-त्योहारों की बात ही कुछ और है। आदिवासियों का सबसे बड़ा त्योहार सरहुल है जो मुख्यतः बसंतोत्सव है जो मार्च-अप्रैल महीने में मनाया जाता है। इसके अलावा कुछ प्रमुख अन्य त्योहार इस प्रकार हैं:-
झारखंड के लोकनृत्य[संपादित करें]
पाइका छऊ, जदुर, नाचनी, नटुआ, अगनी, चौकारा, जामदा, घटवारी, मतहा
शिक्षा संस्थान[संपादित करें]
झारखंड की शिक्षा संस्थाओं में कुछ अत्यंत प्रमुख शिक्षा संस्थान शामिल हैं। जनजातिय प्रदेश होने के बावज़ूद यहां कई नामी सरकारी एवं निजी कॉलेज हैं जो कला, विज्ञान, अभियांत्रिकी, मेडिसिन, कानून और मैनेजमेंट में उच्च स्तर की शिक्षा देने के लिये विख्यात हैं ।
झारखंड की कुछ प्रमुख शिक्षा संस्थायें हैं :
विश्वविद्यालय
राँची विश्ववविद्यालय राँची, सिद्धू कान्हू विश्वविद्यालय दुमका, विनोबा भावे विश्वविद्यालय हजारीबाग, बिरसा कृषि विश्वविद्यालय राँची, बिरला प्रौद्योगिकी संस्थान मेसराराँची
अन्य प्रमुख संस्थान
राष्ट्रीय धातुकर्म प्रयोगशाला जमशेदपुर, राष्ट्रीय खनन शोध संस्थान धनबाद, भारतीय लाह शोध संस्थान राँची, राष्ट्रीय मनोचिकत्सा संस्थान राँची, जेवियर प्रबंधन संस्थान । एक्स एल आर आई जमशेदपुर
दर्शनीय स्थल[संपादित करें]
मुख्य लेख - झारखंड के पर्यटन स्थल
श्री समेद शिखरजी जैन तीर्थस्थल (पारसनाथ)
विभूतियाँ[संपादित करें]
संचार एवं समाचार माध्यम[संपादित करें]
राँची एक्सप्रेस एवं प्रभात खबर जैसे हिन्दी समाचारपत्र राज्य की राजधानी राँची से प्रकाशित होनेवाले प्रमुख समाचारपत्र हैं जो राज्य के सभी हिस्सों में उपलब्ध होते हैं। हिन्दी,बांग्ला एवं अंग्रेजी में प्रकाशित होने वाले देश के अन्य प्रमुख समाचारपत्र भी बड़े शहरों में दोपहर बाद आसानी से मिल जाते हैं। इसके अतिरिक्त दैनिक भास्कर, दैनिक जागरण,दैनिक हिन्दुस्तान, आई नेक्स्ट उदितवाणी, चमकता आईना, उत्कल मेल तथा आवाज जैसे हिन्दी समाचारपत्र भी प्रदेश के बहुत से हिस्सों में काफी पढ़े जाते हैं। इलेक्ट्रानिक मीडिया की बात करें तो झारखंड को केंद्र बनाकर खबरों का प्रसारण ई टीवी बिहार-झारखंड, सहारा समय बिहार-झारखंड, मौर्य टीवी, साधना न्यूज, 365 दिन, न्यूज 11 आदि चैनल करते हैं। रांची में राष्ट्रीय समाचार चैनलों के ब्यूरो कार्यालय कार्यरत हैं।
जोहार दिसुम खबर झारखंडी भाषाओं में प्रकाशित होनेवाला पहला पाक्षिक अखबार है। इसमें झारखंड की 10 आदिवासी एवं क्षेत्रीय भाषाओं तथा हिन्दी सहित 11 भाषाओं में खबरे छपती हैं। जोहार सहिया राज्य का एकमात्र झारखंडी मासिक पत्रिका है जो झारखंड की सबसे लोकप्रिय भाषा नागपुरी में प्रकाशित होती है। इसके अलावा झारखंडी भाषा साहित्य संस्कृति अखड़ा और गोतिया झारखंड की आदिवासी एवं क्षेत्रीय भाषाओं में प्रकाशित होने वाली महत्वपूर्ण पत्र-पत्रिकाएं हैं।
राँची और जमशेदपुर में लगभग पांच रेडियो प्रसारण केन्द्र हैं और आकाशवाणी की पहुँच प्रदेश के हर हिस्से में है। दूरदर्शन का राष्ट्रीय प्रसारण भी प्रदेश के लगभग सभी हिस्सों में पहुँच रखता है। झारखंड के बड़े शहरों में लगभग हर टेलिविजन चैनल उपग्रह एवं केबल के माध्यम से सुलभता से उपलब्ध है।
लैंडलाइन टेलीफोन की उपलब्धता प्रदेश में भारत संचार निगम लिमिटेड (बीएसएनएल), टाटा टेलीसर्विसेज (टाटा इंडिकाम) एवं रिलायंस इन्फोकाम द्वारा हर हिस्से में की जाती है। मोबाईल सेवा प्रदाताओं में बीएसएनएल, एयरसेल, आइडिया, वोदाफोन रिलायंस[uninor] एवं एयरटेल प्रमुख हैं।
सन्दर्भ[संपादित करें]
↑ "झारखंड में हेमंत सोरेन ने विश्वासमत जीता". बीबीसी हिन्दी. 18 जुलाई, 2013, 20:34 IST. अभिगमन तिथि: 28 जुलाई, 2013.
बाहरी कड़ियाँ[संपादित करें]
झारखंड - विविध पक्षों पर विस्तृत जानकारी
झारखंड विषयक लेख (संवाद)
झारखंड ज्ञानकोश : हुलगुलानों की प्रतिध्वनियाँ; भाग-१ (गूगल पुस्तक)
जोहार दिसुम खबर (झारखण्ड की पन्द्रह भाषाओं में प्रकाशित समाचार पत्र)
अखड़ा (झारखण्डी भाषा, साहित्य एवं संस्कृति)
[दिखाएँ]
Surendra Grover
आखिर क्या था ऐसा जिसके कोई बड़ा हादसा न होने के बावजूद टाटा को तुरत-फुरत में आधिकारिक बयान जारी करना पड़ा? आखिर ऐसी कौन सी मजबूरी थी कि बिल्ली और कुत्ते के सड़क हादसे को ख़बर बना लेने वाले समाचार चैनल और अंदर के पन्नों पर चेन स्नैचिंग और सड़कछाप झगड़ों को भी जगह देने वाले सारे अखबार इस दुर्घटना को पचा गए...
Read more: http://mediadarbar.com/23871/tata-gas-leak/
क्या जमशेदपुर अगला भोपाल है?मीडिया दरबार « मीडिया दरबार
Like · · Share · 17 hours ago near Jaipur, Rajasthan ·
Himanshu Kumar
27 minutes ago near Delhi
कल सोनी सोरी एवं लिंगा कोड़ोपी पहुंचेंगे। कल दोपहर दो बजे सोनी सोरी तथा लिंगा कोड़ोपी का दिल्ली में स्वागत एवं उनके संग चर्चा का कार्यक्रम रखा गया है। आप सभी सोनी सोरी एवं लिंगा कोड़ोपी से चर्चा करने के लिए आमंत्रित हैं।
स्थान - 576 , मस्जिद रोड, बेसमेंट में
डी ए वी स्कूल के पास
जंगपुरा भोगल , दिल्ली
Soni Sori and Linga Kodopi will reach Delhi tomorrow. A programme to welcome Soni Sori and Linga Kodopi and a discussion with them is organized.
You all are invited.
Venue- 576, Masjid Road, Basement
Near DAV School,
jungpura Bhogal, Delhi.
Himanshu Kumar
लिंगा हाँ ये सच है कि हम लोग एक आदिवासी पत्रकार को सहन नहीं कर पाए .
हाँ लिंगा हम इसी तरह से इस मुल्क के दलितों और आदिवासियों को अपने पैरों तले रौंद देते हैं .
इसलिए हम सदैव राजतंत्र को इस्तेमाल करते हैं .
लेकिन लिंगा तुम तो ना झुके , ना टूटे .
अब तुम पत्रकार ज़रूर बनना लिंगा .
इसी तरह के थपेडों से यह क्रूर जातिवाद खंड खंड होगा.
शाबास लिंगा .
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झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा
22 hours ago
एक पहाड़ जो उपनिवेश के खिलाफ दहक रहा है
नवंबर का महीना झारखंड के लिए ऐतिहासिक रूप से बेहतर नहीं रहा है। वह 1947 का नवंबर महीना ही था जब आदिवासी स्वायतता की माँग को भारत सरकार ने पहली बार ठुकरा दिया था। और वह भी 2000 की 15 नवंबर ही थी, जब केन्द्र की राजग सरकार ने झारखंडी जन आकांक्षाओं को ताक पर रखकर चोर दरवाजे से आधी रात को भाजपा को सत्ता सौंपी थी। अगस्त 1947 में जब देश स्वतंत्र हुआ था तो आदिवासी, दलित, स्त्री और भारत के दूसरे तमाम उत्पीड़ित समुदायों को लगा था कि उनलोगों को भी 'स्वतंत्रता' का हक मिलेगा। वे भी नये भारतीय संघ गणराज्य की पुनर्रचना में बराबर के भागीदार होंगे। लेकिन ऐसा हुआ नहीं। संविधान में कुछ रियायतें जोड़कर भारतीय सत्ता, जिसका प्रतिनिधित्व उस समय काँग्रेस कर रही थी, ने 'स्वतंत्रता' को देश के मुट्ठी भर लोगों के लिए हथिया लिया। झारखंड जैसे उन तमाम क्षेत्रों को जो भारतीय संघ के भीतर ही पूर्ण स्वायतता और स्वतंत्रता की माँग कर रहे थे, उनकी माँग को 'राष्ट्रीय एकता' के नाम पर ठुकरा दिया गया। इस आश्वासन के साथ कि आदिवासी हितों की रक्षा केे प्रावधान संविधान में किये जाएँगे और राज्य के नीति-निर्देशक सिद्धांतों में आदिवासी व क्षेत्रीय स्वायतता की पूरी रक्षा की जाएगी।
http://asurnation.in/asur-collective.php?subaction=showfull&id=1384510959
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झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा shared a link via Asur Nation-असुर दिसुम.
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भूमि, भू-भाग और संसाधन, जिसे आदिवासी अपनी विरासत मानते हैं, को बचाने के लिए चल रहे संघर्षों का नेतृत्व करने वाले आदिवासियों को बड़े पैमाने पर राज्य प्रायोजित हिंसा का शिकार होना पड़ रहा है, जिसमें पुलिस फायरिंग में हत्या, पुलिस यातना और फर्जी मुकदमों में फंसाकर जेल भेजना आम बात हो चुकी है। वहीं राज्य प्रायोजित हिंसा के खिलाफ आवाज उठाने वालों को सरकार नक्सली, देशद्रोही, अलगाववादी, विकास विरोधी और न जाने कौन-कौन सा जामा पहनाकर प्रताड़ित करती है। झारखंड में 5000 लोगों के खिलाफ मुकदमा चलाया जा रहा है और कई आंदोलनकारी जेल काट चुके हैं। झारखंड के कोईलकारो, काठीकुंड और ओड़िसा का कालिंगनगर पुलिस फायरिंग किसे याद नहीं है? इसी तरह फिलिपिंस के जंबाज आंदोलनकारी नेता मरकुस को फर्जी मुठभेड़ में मार गिराया गया। ये दर्दनाक अनुभव बताते हैं कि सरकारें किसी भी कीमत पर आदिवासियों से सबकुछ छिन लेना चाहती हैं और यह सब सिर्फ और सिर्फ उद्योगपतियों के हितों का साधने के लिए हो रहा है।
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शाम हो चली थी. टामाक बज रहा था ... गुड्-गुड् ... गुबुड्-गुबुड् की ध्वनि जंगल में लगातार गूंज रही थी. बड़ पेड़ के नीचे अखड़ा में ठसाठस भीड़ हो चली थी. सभी उचक-उचक कर चरका आयो होड़ को देख रहे थे. उसके बाल बिखरे हुए थे. उनलोगों के नथुनों से बिल्कुल अलग किस्म के नथुने थे उस आयो होड़ के. बिल्कुल पतले. तोते की…
Jayantibhai Manani shared Himanshu Kumar's photo.
देश के संविधान की धज्जिया उड़ाकर, एक आदिवासी महिला और शिक्षिका के विरुध्ध अमानवीय, गैर संवैधानिक और गैर क़ानूनी व्यवहार, संघ के कट्टर जातिवादी ब्राह्मण नेताओ से नियंत्रित मुख्यमंत्री रमणसिंह की छतीसगढ़ सरकार ने किया है ये बेमिशाल और बेजोड़ है.
मित्रो, आप अखबारी अहेवाल पढ़कर क्या कहेंगे? इसे शेयर कर के सोनी सोरी को सलाम करे...
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The terror state is at work everywhere. Just two days before NISAN (a literary magazine in Odia) was to be released at a function in Bhubaneswar, the press denied to print the magazine (after actually printing 99% of the pages). History is repeating itself, time and again. But, NISAN will continue to represent people's voices so long as people keep on speaking out. NISAN will be released on 17 Nov 2013, as decided with just a few copies, and will hit the stand soon after.
गुजरात मे 2001 से 2010 के बीच 37,248 लोगों ने आत्म हत्या की है | जो की 10 आत्महत्या प्रति दिन के हिसाब से है | इनमे पुरुषों की संख्या 21,783 और महिलाओं की संख्या 15,423 है | आत्महत्या करने वालों मे किसानों की संख्या 7,082 है |.........
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कभी चाय के लिए प्रसिद्ध थी रांची
वैसे तो तब की रांची को गांव ही कहें तो ज्यादा अच्छा होगा। बात 1954 के आसपास की है। उन दिनों अपर बाजार के कारण रांची की रौनक थी, जिसमें इस शहर के शांत माहौल का अलग ही अहसास था। बाजार के लिए रात में ही बैलगाड़ी से सामान लाए जाते थे। 1कठरटोली, नया टोली , ढुमसा टोली, कुम्हारटोली, कांटाटोली आदि जो जगहें थीं वे गांव के रूप में। एक जगह से दूसरी जगह लोग पैदल ही आना-जाना करते थे। यहां तक कि कौन किस टोली के हैं, इसकी पूरी जानकारी लोगों को रहती थी। कोई किसी को देख कर बोल सकता था कि वह फलां टोली से है। आबादी भी कम थी और लोगों के बीच भाईचारगी की भावना भी कूट-कूट कर भरी थी। तब रांची मेंटल हॉस्पिटल और इटकी स्थित टीबी सेनेटोरियम के लिए प्रसिद्ध थी। हेहल, सतरंजी, कांके, नामकुम बरियतू आदि रांची में नहीं आते थे। कहा जाए तो डोरंडा के बाद के क्षेत्र रांची से बाहर आते थे। मनोरंजन के लिए रतन टॉकिज, रूपाश्री, विष्णु तीन ही सिनेमा हॉल थे। मुङो स्मरण है 1958 के समय एचइसी का निर्माण हो रहा था। उस समय के डिस्टिक्ट बोर्ड के चेयरमैन डॉ. पॉल दयाल एक अधिवक्ता और राजनीतिज्ञ भी थे। वे हमें रथयात्र दिखाने ले गये थे। उस समय रथयात्र और मेला आयोजन में हैजा व अन्य फैलने वाली बीमारियों से बचाव के लिए रास्ते का घेराव किया जाता था। दवा भी छिड़की जाती थी। 1एचइसी के बाद राजेंद्र मेडिकल कॉलेज और कांके डैम का निर्माण हुआ। इसी के बाद यहां के लोग पलायन और विस्थापन का दंश ङोलने को मजबूर हो गए। सरकार ने विस्थापन कानून की पूरी अनदेखी की और लोगों को अपनी जमीन देने का भारी खामियाजा भुगतना पड़ा। परिवार पालने के लिए कई महिलाएं दाई व आया का काम करने लगीं। इसके पहले आदिवासी महिला व लड़कियां यह काम नहीं करती थीं। भारी संख्या में लोगों ने असम के चाय बगान में रोजगार के लिए अपना निबंधन कराना शुरू कर दिया। 1इसके बाद एकाएक रिक्शा और मिनीडोर चलना आरंभ हो गए और उसी अनुपात में अपराध भी बढ़ने लगे। यहां के लोग स्वीपर का काम नहीं करते थे। इसके लिए यूपी और राजस्थान से लोग लाए जाते थे, जो एचइसी और मेडिकल कॉलेज में काम करते थे। रांची, खूंटी और लोहरदगा के रास्ते में ईस्टर्न कोल्डवार के दौरान बनाए गये कैंप जगह-जगह देखने को मिलते थे। 1आज उनका कोई अस्तित्व नहीं है। नामकुम मिलिट्री कैंप में भी उनकी झलक टूटे-फूटे मकानों में के रूप में हमने देखी थी। स्कूल के जमाने में हमें हरेक सप्ताह बाहर घुमाने ले जाया जाता था और जगह विशेष की विस्तार से जानकारी दी जाती थी। पटना या डेहरी ऑन सोन पुराना जंक्शन जाने के लिए रांची रोड आकर ट्रेन पकड़नी होती थी। मेन रोड स्थित हनुमान मंदिर के पास बस स्टैंड हुआ करता था, जहां से सिमडेगा, खूंटी और दक्षिण पूर्व जाने के लिए बसें मिलती थीं। तब स्वीट पैलेस काफी चर्चित था, जो आज का जलजोगा बन गया है। रांची आज भी वही है, लेकिन अतीत की वह बातें नहीं दिखतीं। परिवर्तन प्रकृति का नियम है, लेकिन अतीत की जड़ें कमजोर नहीं होनी चाहिए।से तो तब की रांची को गांव ही कहें तो ज्यादा अच्छा होगा। बात 1954 के आसपास की है। उन दिनों अपर बाजार के कारण रांची की रौनक थी, जिसमें इस शहर के शांत माहौल का अलग ही अहसास था। बाजार के लिए रात में ही बैलगाड़ी से सामान लाए जाते थे। 1कठरटोली, नया टोली , ढुमसा टोली, कुम्हारटोली, कांटाटोली आदि जो जगहें थीं वे गांव के रूप में। एक जगह से दूसरी जगह लोग पैदल ही आना-जाना करते थे। यहां तक कि कौन किस टोली के हैं, इसकी पूरी जानकारी लोगों को रहती थी। कोई किसी को देख कर बोल सकता था कि वह फलां टोली से है। आबादी भी कम थी और लोगों के बीच भाईचारगी की भावना भी कूट-कूट कर भरी थी। तब रांची मेंटल हॉस्पिटल और इटकी स्थित टीबी सेनेटोरियम के लिए प्रसिद्ध थी। हेहल, सतरंजी, कांके, नामकुम बरियतू आदि रांची में नहीं आते थे। कहा जाए तो डोरंडा के बाद के क्षेत्र रांची से बाहर आते थे। मनोरंजन के लिए रतन टॉकिज, रूपाश्री, विष्णु तीन ही सिनेमा हॉल थे। मुङो स्मरण है 1958 के समय एचइसी का निर्माण हो रहा था। उस समय के डिस्टिक्ट बोर्ड के चेयरमैन डॉ. पॉल दयाल एक अधिवक्ता और राजनीतिज्ञ भी थे। वे हमें रथयात्र दिखाने ले गये थे। उस समय रथयात्र और मेला आयोजन में हैजा व अन्य फैलने वाली बीमारियों से बचाव के लिए रास्ते का घेराव किया जाता था। दवा भी छिड़की जाती थी। 1एचइसी के बाद राजेंद्र मेडिकल कॉलेज और कांके डैम का निर्माण हुआ। इसी के बाद यहां के लोग पलायन और विस्थापन का दंश ङोलने को मजबूर हो गए। सरकार ने विस्थापन कानून की पूरी अनदेखी की और लोगों को अपनी जमीन देने का भारी खामियाजा भुगतना पड़ा। परिवार पालने के लिए कई महिलाएं दाई व आया का काम करने लगीं। इसके पहले आदिवासी महिला व लड़कियां यह काम नहीं करती थीं। भारी संख्या में लोगों ने असम के चाय बगान में रोजगार के लिए अपना निबंधन कराना शुरू कर दिया। 1इसके बाद एकाएक रिक्शा और मिनीडोर चलना आरंभ हो गए और उसी अनुपात में अपराध भी बढ़ने लगे। यहां के लोग स्वीपर का काम नहीं करते थे। इसके लिए यूपी और राजस्थान से लोग लाए जाते थे, जो एचइसी और मेडिकल कॉलेज में काम करते थे। रांची, खूंटी और लोहरदगा के रास्ते में ईस्टर्न कोल्डवार के दौरान बनाए गये कैंप जगह-जगह देखने को मिलते थे। 1आज उनका कोई अस्तित्व नहीं है। नामकुम मिलिट्री कैंप में भी उनकी झलक टूटे-फूटे मकानों में के रूप में हमने देखी थी। स्कूल के जमाने में हमें हरेक सप्ताह बाहर घुमाने ले जाया जाता था और जगह विशेष की विस्तार से जानकारी दी जाती थी। पटना या डेहरी ऑन सोन पुराना जंक्शन जाने के लिए रांची रोड आकर ट्रेन पकड़नी होती थी। मेन रोड स्थित हनुमान मंदिर के पास बस स्टैंड हुआ करता था, जहां से सिमडेगा, खूंटी और दक्षिण पूर्व जाने के लिए बसें मिलती थीं। तब स्वीट पैलेस काफी चर्चित था, जो आज का जलजोगा बन गया है। रांची आज भी वही है, लेकिन अतीत की वह बातें नहीं दिखतीं। परिवर्तन प्रकृति का नियम है, लेकिन अतीत की जड़ें कमजोर नहीं होनी चाहिए।
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झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा shared आदिवासी साहित्य - Adivasi Literature'sphoto.
आजादी के दो साल बाद जन्मी ग्रेस कुजूर. 'उरांव' आदिवासी समुदाय में पिता पैट्रिक कुजूर और मां रूथ केरकेट्टा के घर में. एम.ए, बी.एड. तक शिक्षा की और फरवरी 1976 में उन्होंने ऑल इंडिया रेडियो की नौकरी कार्यक्रम अधिशासी के रूप में ज्वाईन की. बाद ...See More
ग्रेस कुजूर की कविताएं हिंदी में ही छपती रही हैं, लेकिन हिंदी साहित्य उनसे अपरिचित है. यह अपरिचय ग्रेस की ओर से नहीं बल्कि उस समाज व साहित्य की ओर से है जिसे अपने 'राष्ट्रीय' होने का दंभ है. ग्रेस की कविताएं आदिवासी समाज के जीवन दर्शन और उस पर हो रहे हमले का कोरस है. उनके पास कविता कहने का अपना एक खास आदिवासी अंदाज है जो गहरे लयात्मक कौशल के साथ पाठकों के दिलो दिमाग को एक मद्धिम संगीत-का सा सुख और चैन देता है. वह आदिवासियत को बगैर किसी शोर और प्रोपेगेंडा के बहुत ही विरल अंदाज में रखती हैं.
आजादी के दो साल बाद जन्मी ग्रेस कुजूर. 'उरांव' आदिवासी समुदाय में पिता पैट्रिक कुजूर और मां रूथ केरकेट्टा के घर में. एम.ए, बी.एड. तक शिक्षा की और फरवरी 1976 में उन्होंने ऑल इंडिया रेडियो की नौकरी कार्यक्रम अधिशासी के रूप में ज्वाईन की. बाद में रांची, पटना दिल्ली, भागलपुर आदि आकाशवाणी केंद्रों की निदेशक रहीं और 2008 में दिल्ली से रिटायर हुईं.
ग्रेस कुजूर ने 1966 से लिखना शुरू किया. अब तक 40 से अधिक कविताएं पर कोई संकलन प्रकाशित नहीं. उन्होंने रेडियो नाटक व प्रहसन भी लिखे. 'महुआ गिरे आधी रात' नामक उनका रेडियो नाटक बहुत चर्चित रहा.
(वंदना टेटे द्वारा संपादित और शीघ्र प्रकाश्य आदिवासी स्त्री कविता संकलन 'कवि मन जनीमन' से)
यहां आप पढ़ें उनकी एक कविता 'प्रतीक्षा'.
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प्रतीक्षा
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पूछ रहे हैं
अपने होने का पता
तुम्हारे उत्तर की प्रतीक्षा में।
संगी
अब भी खड़ी हूं मैं
चट्टान में खड़े,
इकलौते साल-वृक्ष की तरह
जो चुपचाप सींच लेता है
अपने हिस्से का पानी।
Jacinta Kerketta, Rose Kerketta, Ujjwala Jyoti Tiga, Anuj Lugun, Sunil Kumar 'suman', गंगा सहाय मीणा, Shyamc Tudu, Sunder Manoj Hembrom, Jyoti Lakra,Vandna Tete,
कुछ लोग कहते हैं कि राजनीतिक अस्थिरता इन सब के लिए जिम्मेदार है और इस राजनीतिक अस्थिरता के लिए जनता उत्तरदायी. यानी घूम-फिरकर हमारे माथे ही जिम्मेदारी लाद दी जाती है. हम अपनी जिम्मेदारी से भाग तो नहीं सकते, क्योंकि हम क्षणिक लाभ या स्वार्थ के वशीभूत होकर इस प्रकार से अपने प्रतिनिधि चुनते हैं कि किसी पार्टी या दल को बहुमत नहीं मिल पाता है. फलस्वरूप जोड़-तोड़ का जो घिनौना खेल होता है, हम सब उससे परिचित हैं. धागे में जितनी गांठें होंगी, वह धागा उतना ही कमजोर होगा.
तेरह साल का झारखण्ड
जोहार !
आज झारखण्ड का स्थापना दिवस है. साथ ही भगवन बिरसा का जन्म दिन. इस अवसर पर तमाम झारखण्ड वासियों को मेरी ओर से बहुत-बहुत बधाई और शुभकामनाएँ तथा भगवन बिरसा को विनम्र श्रद्धांजलि. दोस्तों, झारखण्ड के राज्य बने तेरह साल पूरे हो गये, लेकिन हमारी जो स्थिति है, उसे देखते हुए समझ नहीं आ रहा है कि हम खुश होएं या रोएँ. यह सवाल आज भी ज्यों का त्यों बना हुआ है कि आखिर हमारे दुःख कब दूर होंगे. रोजी-रोजगार और भरपेट खाने को दाना कब मिलेगा? कब तक हमारे भाई-बहन अपने घर-परिवार से, अपनी जमीन से दूर दूसरे प्रदेशों में ईंट भट्ठों में या अन्यत्र मजदूरी करने के लिए जाते रहेंगे और उनका मानसिक एवं दैहिक शोषण होता रहेगा? मानव तस्करी का सिलसिला कब रुकेगा? विकास के नाम पर यहाँ के आदिवासियों-मूलवासियों को कब तक अपनी जमीन से बेदखल किया जाता रहेगा? सवाल बहुत हैं, पर जवाब नहीं सूझता.
कुछ लोग कहते हैं कि राजनीतिक अस्थिरता इन सब के लिए जिम्मेदार है और इस राजनीतिक अस्थिरता के लिए जनता उत्तरदायी. यानी घूम-फिरकर हमारे माथे ही जिम्मेदारी लाद दी जाती है. हम अपनी जिम्मेदारी से भाग तो नहीं सकते, क्योंकि हम क्षणिक लाभ या स्वार्थ के वशीभूत होकर इस प्रकार से अपने प्रतिनिधि चुनते हैं कि किसी पार्टी या दल को बहुमत नहीं मिल पाता है. फलस्वरूप जोड़-तोड़ का जो घिनौना खेल होता है, हम सब उससे परिचित हैं. धागे में जितनी गांठें होंगी, वह धागा उतना ही कमजोर होगा.
परन्तु इस अस्थिरता के लिए केवल जनता को दोषी ठहराना उचित नहीं है. सबसे बड़ी कमी रजनीतिक दलों में पारदर्शिता का अभाव है. गठबंधन की सरकारें बीच में ही टूटने का मुख्य कारण यही है. सरकार बनाने के पहले दलों के मध्य किन शर्तों पर सरकार बनाने का समझौता होता है, इसे यदि पहले ही सार्वजनिक कर दिया जाता तो सरकारें इतनी आसानी से नहीं टूटतीं. क्या आपको नहीं लगता कि ऐसा होना चाहिए?
बहरहाल, आइए, हम भी आत्मावलोकन करें और सोचें कि आनेवाला समय किस तरह सुखद हो सकता है. भगवन बिरसा के सपनों को साकार करने में जितना हो सके, हम भी अपनी भूमिका निभाएं.....जोहार !
झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा shared Giridhari Goswami's status.
22 hours ago
झारखंड के सदानी नेताओं को अपनी मातृभाषा की चिंता नहीं!
आदिवासी भाषा सीखना किसी बिहारी के वश की बात नहीं. अगर बिहारी से खतरा है तो सदानी भाषाओं को पर हमारे नेता हैं की उन्हें भाषा कोई महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा ही नजर नहीं दीखता.
झारखंड के सदानी नेताओं को अपनी मातृभाषा की चिंता नहीं!
आदिवासी भाषा सीखना किसी बिहारी के वश की बात नहीं. अगर बिहारी से खतरा है तो सदानी भाषाओं को पर हमारे नेता हैं की उन्हें भाषा कोई महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा ही नजर नहीं दीखता. जब बिहारी और दुसरे भाषा वाले अपनी मांग करते तब भी उन्हें अपनी मातृभाषा की याद नहीं आती. भाषा के सवाल पर हाल में जबा गीताश्री के बयान आये तब भी ये नेता चुप रहे. ऐसे में क्या यही समझा जाएगा की झारखंड की आम जनता ही अपनी भाषा के प्रति उदासीन है जो अपने नेताओं से इसपर जबाब तलब नहीं करती?
(6 photos)
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साथी सीताराम शास्त्री ने अपना पूरा जीवन झारखण्ड निर्माण ओर झारखण्ड बनने के बाद झारखण्ड के नवनिर्माण में बिताया। 24 ओक्टोबर को उनका पुण्य तिथि हैं। इस दिन विस्थापन विरोधी नवनिर्माण मोर्चा ने स्थानीयता निति पर एक सेमिनार आयोजित किया हैं, सत्य भारती, रांची, झारखण्ड में, सुबह 11 बजे से।
सभी संघर्षरथ साथियों से निवदेन हैं इस सेमिनार में आ के अपना विचार अवश्य रखे। — withGladson Dungdung and 49 others in Ranchi, Jharkhand.
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आदिवासियों के साथ ही ऐसा क्यों?
- ग्लैडसन डुंगडुंग -
दुुनियां में आदिवासियों का सबसे बड़ा मुद्दा यह है कि विकास और आर्थिक तरक्की के नाम पर उनसे उनके पूर्वजों की जमीन, जंगल, पानी, खनिज और पहाड़ छिन लिया जा रहा है। लेकिन उस तथाकथित विकास और आर्थिक तरक्की का फायदा उन्हें नहीं मिल रहा है। वे सिर्फ विकास और आर्थिक तरक्की के शिकार हो रहे हैं। भारत देश का आंकड़ा देखें तो योजना आयोग के मुताबिक देश में 6 करोड़ लोग विस्थापित हुए हैं, जिनमें से मात्र 25 प्रतिशत लोगों का किसी तरह पुनर्वास किया गया है। विस्थापितों में 40 प्रतिशत लोग आदिवासी समुदाय से आते हैं, जिनको सबकुछ गवांना पड़ा है क्योंकि आदिवासी समुदाय का अर्थव्यवस्था ही भूमि और वन पर आधारित है इसलिए वे पैसा से पैसा नहीं बना सके और वे संसाधन हीन हो गए हैं जबकि दूसरे कुछ विस्थापित समुदाय पैसा से पैसा बनाकर अपनी स्थिति में परिवर्तन ला चुके हैं।
झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा shared आदिवासी साहित्य - Adivasi Literature'sphoto.
आबा तोयँ तो डोम्बारी पहाड़ पर
नाच रहिस गोटे कुटुंब कर संग
रामदयाल मामू भी कहत रहयँ
जे नाची सेहे बाँची
मुदा अखड़ा लुटाय गेलक
रीझरंग सिराय गेलक
टांड़, दोइन, पझरा हेराय गेलक
रसिका सउब कर कोनों पता-ठेकान नखे
कह तो कइसे नाची झारखंड
कइसे जीबयँ झारखंडिया
आउर कइसे बाँची झारखंड!
Vandna Tete, Anuj Lugun, Ak Pankaj, Syed Shahroz Quamar, Ganesh Eklavya, Ranjit Eklavya, Gladson Dungdung, Jacinta Kerketta, Ujjwala Jyoti Tiga, Seral Murmu
तोयँ नखिस
इसन कहयँना लोग.
कहयँना लोग -
दिसुम में हूलगुलानीमन नखयँ
26 परसेंट कर कोनो भेलू नखे!
...See More
Khunti Youth Conference (8 photos)
It was amazing to speak in the 'Khunti Youth Conference" on the issues of Adivasis' heritage and rights held on 9th of November, 2013 at Dorma (Khunti) . There were more than 800 energetic youth, who asked me lots of relevance questions. I have hope on these youth that they'll play a great role in protection and promotion of Adivasis heritage and rights.
Gladson Dungdung
Another weekly column in "Khabar Mantra" on very interesting topic "Ecology Economy" vs "Market Economy". If we really need to go for the sustainable development, we must join the club of "Ecology Economy", which directly means the "Adivasi philosophy of growth and development". However, if we want to continue the Rat race of Development pushed by the 'Market Economy", the earth and all the living beings are not going to sustain for the longer period of time. What do u need?
My weekly column in the Khabar Mantra on the issue of conflict between the State and the Gram Sabha. Your thought, feedback and suggestion are appreciated.
Gladson Dungdung
A write up published by the Khabar Mantra on the special status of Jharkhand.
Ranchi Women Convention (12 photos)
Today, it was really amazing to speak in the 37th Annual Convention of the Ranchi Catholic Women Association held in Don Bosco premises, Bariatu. The best thing was, the issues (Heritage and Rights) of Adivasi society dominated the religion convention. There was series of presentation and discussion on the overwhelming issues of the Adivasis i.e. language, culture, tradition, ownership rights on land, territory and resources. The women also took pledge to protect the Adivasis heritage i.e. language, culture, tradition, land, forest and what not. We'd be having series of convention and conferences like this in coming days under our campaign "Awakening the Adivasi Soul". Our aim is to generate critical awareness, mobilize and unite our people so that we could be able to protect our heritage and also realize our rights provided under the Indian constitution and various laws.
Gladson Dungdung shared झारखंडी भाषा संस्कृति अखड़ा's photo.
I insist the so-called Sarna Dharamgurus and so-called Sarna leaders to respond it. What is their opinion about this? Will they mobilize the followers of Sarna religion against it? or they merely want to attack the Christianity to achieve t...See More
झारखंडी भाषा साहित्य संस्कृति अखड़ा आदि धर्म का समर्थक है. लेकिन जो लोग आरएसएस के इशारे पर सरना और ईसाई को लड़ाना चाहते हैं उनसे पूछना चाहेंगे कि ये जो नोवामुंडी में पूजा के दौरान हिंदू देवी दुर्गा और अन्य को आदिवासी साड़ी पहनाया गया है उस पर आपलोगों की क्या राय है? क्या 25 दिसंबर से पहले 3 नवंबर को दिवाली है उस दिन आरएसएस के इशारे पर काम करनेवाले सरना लोग हिंदू धर्म के खिलाफ जुलूस निकालेंगे? क्या यह सरना धर्म का अपमान नहीं है?
Thanks to Ghanshyam Biruly
Ak Pankaj
सांप्रदायिकता का डर दिखाकर उत्तर पूरब पश्चिम आदि सभी पार्टियां सरकार के अंदर-बाहर का मजा लेती रहीं और सांप्रदायिकता आराम से ईंच-दर-ईंच तो कभी छलांग मारकर पसरती रही. कुछ इसी तर्ज पर आज नमो का जाप हो रहा है. जिसे देखिए वही नमो विमर्श में मशगूल है. जबकि इनमें से अधिकांश भारत के अविकसित और आदिवासी इलाकों में स्वयं नमो हैं. और ये ज्यादा खतरनाक हैं. क्योंकि नमो ने अपना एजेंडा नहीं छुपाया है. पर आदिवासी इलाकों के गैर-आदिवासी बुद्धिजीवी कंबल ओढ़ कर घी पी रहे हैं.
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Satya Narayan
मारुति सुजुकी मज़दूर आन्दोलन के पुनर्गठन के नवीनतम प्रयासों की विफलता
इस अफ़सोसनाक हालत का ज़िम्मेदार कौन है?
जिस समय यूनियन नेतृत्व को यूनियन जनवाद का पालन करते हुए सभी मज़दूरों और सभी सहयोगी संगठनों को जनरल बॉडी मीटिंगों में इकट्ठा करके रणनीति और रणकौशल को लेकर खुली बहस करानी चाहिए थी, उस समय वह "इंक़लाबी-क्रान्तिकारी कॉमरेडों" के साथ बन्द कमरों में गुपचुप अन्दाज़ में योजना बना रहा था; जिस समय यूनियन नेतृत्व को खुले ट्रेड यूनियन जनवाद का पालन करते हुए सभी आम मज़दूरों की राय जाननी चाहिए थी, उस समय यूनियन नेतृत्व "प्रधानी" की संस्कृति का पालन करते हुए, मीटिंगों में केवल मज़दूरों को लिये गये फैसले सुना रहा था; और अब जब कि सारे रास्ते बन्द होते जा रहे हैं तो एक वह एक सोशल नेटवर्किंग साइट के ज़रिये सबसे सलाह माँग रहा है कि 'सुझाव दें कि अब एमएसडब्ल्यूयू क्या करे', तो इसका एक शब्द में यही उत्तर दिया जा सकता है—'आत्मालोचना'। यह इस पूरे आन्दोलन में नेतृत्व के राजनीतिक दीवालियापन को नहीं दिखला रहा तो और क्या दिखला रहा है?
http://www.mazdoorbigul.net/Failure-of-re-organization-of-maruti-workers-movement
Jayantibhai Manani shared Himanshu Kumar's photo.
देश के संविधान की धज्जिया उड़ाकर, एक आदिवासी महिला और शिक्षिका के विरुध्ध अमानवीय, गैर संवैधानिक और गैर क़ानूनी व्यवहार, संघ के कट्टर जातिवादी ब्राह्मण नेताओ से नियंत्रित मुख्यमंत्री रमणसिंह की छतीसगढ़ सरकार ने किया है ये बेमिशाल और बेजोड़ है.
मित्रो, आप अखबारी अहेवाल पढ़कर क्या कहेंगे? इसे शेयर कर के सोनी सोरी को सलाम करे...
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Ak Pankaj
झारखंड में डोमिसाइल के सवाल पर वामपंथी पार्टियों ने कोई राज्यव्यापी कार्यक्रम लिया हो और विशेष अभियान चलाया हो तो कृपया जानकारी दें. यह भी बताने की कृपा करें कि डोमिसाइल पर वामपंथी पार्टियों की नीति क्या है? वे किस तरह की डोमिसाइल नीति झारखंड में चाहते हैं?
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Apna Bihar
राम पुनियानी की कलम से - मोदी की अर्धविक्षिप्तता : इतिहास की मनमानी व्याख्या
विभाजन की त्रासदी केवल ब्रिटिश शासकों, मुस्लिम लीग व कांग्रेस के बीच अंतिम दौर में चली वार्ताओं की उपज नहीं थी। यह एक लंबी प्रक्रिया का नतीजा थी, जिसकी शुरूआत सन् 1857 की क्रान्ति से हुई थी। विभाजन के पीछे के मूल कारकों में से एक थी ब्रिटिश सरकार की फूट डालो और राज करो की नीति, जिसके अंतर्गत इतिहास का साम्प्रदायिकीकरण किया गया। दूसरा कारक था औद्योगिकरण व आधुनिक शिक्षा के बावजूद, सामंती तत्वों का बोलबाला बना रहना। read more onwww.apnabihar.org
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मूर्ति के बहाने आदिवासियों का दमन
मोदी सरकार राष्ट्रीय स्वाभिमान के प्रतीक सरदार पटेल की प्रतिमा के बहाने सरदार सरोवर के आसपास एक पर्यटन केन्द्र विकसित कर रही है. व्यापार और कारोबार को राष्ट्रीय अस्मिता के रूप में पेश करके मोदी गुजरात में पर्यटन कॉरीडोर विकसित करने की आधारशिला रख रहे हैं...
अमरेन्द्र यादव
आदिवासी, किसान बहुल गांव केवाडिया में गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी ने 31 अक्टूगबर को नर्मदा तट पर लौह पुरुष सरदार वल्लभ भाई पटेल की 138वीं जयंती के मौके पर विश्व की सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा 'स्टैच्यू ऑफ यूनिटी' का शिलान्यास करते हुए गर्व से घोषणा की थी कि भारत को श्रेष्ठ बनाने के लिए एकता की शक्ति से जोड़ने का यह अभियान नर्मदा के तट पर एक नई ऐतिहासिक घटना है.
मोदी एक तरफ तो 'स्टेच्यू ऑफ यूनिटी' के निर्माण के उनके सपने को साकार करने के लिए सभी का सहयोग, समर्थन और मार्गदर्शन मांग रहे थे, दूसरी तरफ उन्हीं के अधिकारियों द्वारा परियोजना के कारण हो रहे विस्थापितों के पुर्नवास के लिए आवाज उठाने वाले आदिवासियों और गैर-आदिवासी किसानों को उनके ही घरों में नजरबंद कर दिया जा रहा है.
देशभर से लोहा मांगकर सरदार की सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा बनाने का दावा करने वाले मोदी सरकार किसी को यह नहीं बता रहे हैं कि वास्तव में इस प्रतिमा के बहाने वे सरदार सरोवर बांध की ऊंचाई बढ़ाना चाहते हैं और बांध के आसपास पर्यटन विकास के काम के लिए पर्यटन कॉरीडोर को विकसित करना चाहते हैं.
लौहपुरुष सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल की 182 मीटर ऊंची यह प्रतिमा नर्मदा नदी के बीचों-बीच स्थापित की जा रही है. इसके बेस में स्मारक सहित कई अन्य निर्माण भी किये जायेंगे. सरकार के दावे के अनुसार यह मूर्ति अमेरिका की 'स्टैचू ऑफ लिबर्टी' से लगभग दोगुनी ऊंची होगी, जो विश्व की सबसे ऊंची मूर्ति होने का तमगा हासिल करेगी.
नदी के बीचोंबीच स्थित इस मूर्ति के पास जाने के लिए जलमार्ग भी बनाया जाएगा. मोदी सरकार द्वारा दी गई जानकारी के अनुसार सरदार पटेल के इस लौह भवन की जो कल्पना की गई है, उसमें सरदार की मूर्ति के भीतर 500 फुट पर एक डेक का निर्माण किया जाएगा. बिल्कुल एफिल टॉवर की तर्ज पर. इस डेक तक पहुंचने के लिए सरदार के लौह भवन के भीतर तेज लिफ्ट लगाई जाएगी और एक वक्त में यहां 200 लोग एक साथ मौजूद रहकर 12 वर्ग किलोमीटर क्षेत्र में फैले विशाल सरदार सरोवर जलाशय का नजारा देख सकेंगे.
पहले चरण में तीन साल के भीतर इस भवन के आसपास थीम पार्क, होटल, रेस्टोरेण्ट, अंडरवाटर अम्यूजमेन्ट पार्क जैसी महत्वाकांक्षी परियोजनाओं को साकार किया जाना है. दूसरे चरण में भरुच तक नर्मदा तट का विकास के साथ सड़क, रेल यातायात सहित पर्यटन के अन्य आधारभूत ढांचे का विकास किया जाएगा. इन स्थानों पर शिक्षा और अनुसंधान केन्द्र के साथ नॉलेज सिटी, गरुणेश्वर से भाड़भूत तक पर्यटन कॉरीडोर आदि विकसित किया जाना है.
7 अक्टूबर 2010 को सरकार के दस वर्ष पूर्ण होने के अवसर पर गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल की मूर्ति 'स्टैचू ऑफ यूनिटी' के निर्माण की घोषणा की थी. ' स्टेच्यू ऑफ यूनिटी' नर्मदा बांध के अंदर साधू टापू क्षेत्र में राज्य सरकार की 2500 करोड़ की लागत से आकार लेने वाली है, जबकि वियर-कम-काज-वे योजना 300 करोड़ की है. मूर्ति का निर्माण कार्य आगामी 26 जनवरी से शुरू होने जा रहा है. मुख्य बांध से करीब 12 किलोमीटर की दूरी पर वियर-कम-काज-वे बनाने की शुरुआत हो चुकी है.
गौरतलब है कि नर्मदा घाटी में बांध की योजना 1946 में बनी थी (सरदार सरोवर नर्मदा निगम लिमिटेड के अनुसार इस बांध का स्वप्न सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल ने ही देखा था). गुजरात के जिस गोरा गांव में इस बांध की नींव रखी गई थी, उसकी मूल ऊंचाई 49.8 मीटर निर्धारित की गई थी. उस वक्त जिन चार बांधों को तत्काल प्राथमिकता के आधार पर बनाने का निर्णय लिया गया था, वे पानी के प्यासे इलाके थे.
गुजरात का भरुच जिला उसमें से एक था, जहां नर्मदा नहर पर बांध बनाकर किसानी के लिए पानी देने की योजना बनाई गई थी. लेकिन किसानों को पानी देने की यह योजना बिजली पैदा करने की योजना में तब्दील कर दी गई.
आज नर्मदा नदी के जिस नर्मदा बांध के कारण सरदार सरोवर का निर्माण हुआ है, उस पर बनने वाली प्रस्तावित मूर्ति को एकता की बुनियाद बताया जा रहा है, असलियत यह है कि लगातार बढ़ती बिजली की भूख ने इस बांध को बंटवारे का बांध बना दिया है. नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन इस पूरे परिवर्तन का साक्षी है. उसी नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन की प्रमुख मेधा पाटकर ने सरदार की सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा पर अपनी जो पहली प्रतिक्रिया दी है उसमें साफ कहा है कि सरदार की सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा के बहाने असल में बांध की ऊंचाई बढ़ाने की साजिश रची जा रही है, जिसके कारण एक बार फिर बड़ी संख्या में स्थानीय निवासी अपने घरों से दर-ब-दर हो जाएंगे.
बांध की उंचाई इसके मूल 49.8 मीटर से ऊंचा उठते-उठते अब 122 मीटर तक पहुंच चुकी है. सरदार की सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा की आड़ में इस बांध की ऊचाई 138 मीटर ले जाने की योजना है, ताकि पीने के पानी की सप्लाई बढ़ाई जा सके और बिजली की पैदावार भी.
सरकार को ऊंचाई बढ़ाने का एक वाजिब कारण इसी साल अगस्त में यह मिल गया कि नर्मदा में बाढ़ से नर्मदा घाटी में करीब 70 हजार लोगों को विस्थापित होना पड़ा था. यानी, अब जरूरत इस बात की है बांध की ऊंचाई को जल्द से जल्द वहां पहुंचा दी जाए, जहां तक न पानी भरे और न बाढ़ के कारण लोगों को विस्थापित करना पड़े. लेकिन क्या यह विस्थापन सिर्फ बांध में पानी बढ़ जाने के कारण ही होगा?
पानी तो आज भरेगा कल उतर जाएगा, इसलिए जो आज विस्थापित होंगे वे कल फिर से अपनी जमीन पर स्थापित हो जाएंगे. लेकिन स्थाई रूप से बांध का स्तर ऊपर उठाया गया, तो आसपास के और 70 गांवों के लोग सदा के लिए विस्थापित हो जाएंगे, मोदी की सरकार यह बात नहीं बता रही है. शायद इसीलिए सबसे ऊंची प्रतिमा के भूमिपूजन समारोह में आसपास के गांवों में इसी डर से लोगों को नजरबंद किया गया कि कहीं वे विरोध का नारा लगाते हुए एकता के इस नये इतिहास के खिलाफ विद्रोह का बिगुल न बजा दें.
दरअसल, विरोध कर रहे लोगों के अग्रणियों को कलेक्टर कार्यालय में तलब किया गया था, जहां कलेक्टर राकेश शंकर की मौजूदगी में सरदार सरोवर नर्मदा निगम के आला अधिकारियों के साथ बंद कमरे में बैठक हुई थी. राजपीपला नर्मदा जिले का मुख्यालय है. अगस्त में हुई इस बैठक के बारे में अधिकारियों ने कुछ भी कहने से इंकार कर दिया था. बैठक में नर्मदा निगम के सीजीएण जेसी चूडास्मा, ज्वाइंट कमिश्नर एमडी पटेल भी मौजूद थे.
उल्लेखनीय है कि पिछले जुलाई माह में मूर्ति निर्माण को लेकर काफी बवाल मचा था. दरअसल नर्मदा जिले के केवडिया, कोठी, गोरा, वागडिया, लीमडी एवं नवागाम नामक गांवों के लोग इन योजनाओं का विरोध कर रहे थे. इनकी दलील थी कि सरदार सरोवर नर्मदा बांध योजना में गई उनकी जमीन का लाभ उन्हें अभी तक नहीं मिला है. इसके बाद से ही नर्मदा जिला प्रशासन ग्रामीणों की नाराजगी दूर करने के प्रयास में लगा था.
बड़ोदरा की पत्रकार कालोनी में रहने वाले रोहित प्रजापति और तृप्ति शाह के साथ सरदार सरोवर बांध पर बन रहे स्टैच्यू आफ यूनिटी के करीब के सात गांवों में प्रमुख लोगों को उनके घरों में नजरबंद कर दिया गया. बहरहाल जिन किसानों, आदिवासियों के लिए सरदार ने आंदोलन किया था और सीमित बांध का सपना देखा था, उनका दमन ही एकमात्र ऐसा पहलू नहीं है जो मोदी सरकार की ओर से साकार किया जा रहा है.
अपनी इस महत्वाकांक्षी परियोजना से मोदी सरकार एक तीर से कई शिकार कर रहे हैं. एक तरफ जहां इतिहास का पुनर्पाठ करवाया जा रहा है, वहीं दूसरी तरफ कुछ विदेशी कंपनियों (खासकर अमेरिकी कंपनी टर्नर कन्ट्रक्शन) को उपकृत भी किया जा रहा है. गुजरात सरकार की ओर से 30 नवंबर तक टर्नर कंस्ट्रक्शन को स्टैचू आफ यूनिटी का ठेका मिलना तय माना जा रहा है, जो आस्ट्रेलिया की मीनहार्ट्ज और अमेरिका की ही माइकल ग्रेव्स एण्ड एसोसिएट्स के साथ मिलकर इस परियोजना पर काम शुरू करेगी.
प्रोजेक्ट की हकीकत यह कि सरदार पटेल की आकृति वाली एक साठ मंजिला इमारत बनाई जा रही है, जिसकी ऊंचाई 182 मीटर होगी. अमेरिका की टर्नर कन्सट्रक्शन और माइकल ग्रेव्स एण्ड एसोसिएट्स भवन निर्माण की कंपनियां हैं, जिन्होंने पूरी दुनिया में भवन निर्माण का जाल खड़ा कर रखा है. इन कंपनियों में जहां टर्नर कंस्ट्रक्शन मुख्य निर्माण कंपनी है वही मीनहार्ट्ज तथा माइकल ग्रेव्स एण्ड एसोसिएट्स डिजाइन और आर्किटेक्ट फर्म हैं.
मुख्यमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी की अध्यक्षता में गठित सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल राष्ट्रीय एकता ट्रस्ट ने परियोजना के बारे में अपनी वेबसाइट पर जो आधिकारिक जानकारी मुहैया कराई है, उसके अनुसार यह मूर्ति तकनीकी तौर पर यह एक 182 मीटर (597 फुट) ऊंची ईमारत होगी, जिसमें अंदर पहुंचकर कोई भी व्यक्ति विस्तृत सरदार सरोवर का नजारा देख सकता है.
इस इमारत की शक्ल एक इंसान जैसी होगी, जो सरदार वल्लभ भाई पटेल होंगे. जाहिर है मोदी सरकार राष्ट्रीय स्वाभिमान के प्रतीक सरदार पटेल की प्रतिमा के बहाने सरदार सरोवर के आसपास एक पर्यटन केन्द्र विकसित कर रही है. व्यापार और कारोबार को राष्ट्रीय अस्मिता के रूप में पेश करके मोदी गुजरात में पर्यटन कॉरीडोर विकसित करने की आधारशिला रख रहे हैं.
टेण्डर में घोषित 2 हजार, 60 करोड़ की इस मूल परियोजना के प्रचार के लिए 3 करोड़ का अलग से टेण्डर निकाला गया है, जिसका इस्तेमाल परियोजना के पूरा होने से पहले इस मनोरंजन पार्क को दुनियाभर में डिजिटल मीडिया के जरिए प्रचारित करना है. अगर यह परियोजना मनोरंजक पार्क के रूप में प्रचारित की जाती, तो शायद देश और दुनिया के लिए सरदार पटेल का यह विशाल लौह भवन इतना चर्चा का विषय नहीं बन पाता.
बहरहाल, उन्होंने जैसे चाहा, वैसे आने वाले इतिहास की व्याख्या कर दी और दुनिया उस 'सरदार के सपनों का सौदागर' को मोदीनामा मान जोर-शोर से प्रचार कर रही है.
Dalits Media Watch
News Updates 16.11.13
Not this way- The Indian Express
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/not-this-way/1195526/
Dalits in Mehsana village being 'ostracised'- The Indian Express
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/dalits-in-mehsana-village-being--ostracised-/1195583/
Adoption row: Dalits protest against injustice in Mysore- The Asian Age
http://www.asianage.com/india/adoption-row-dalits-protest-against-injustice-mysore-836
Dalit candidate sits on floor at Rajnath's public meeting- The Free Press
http://freepressjournal.in/dalit-candidate-sits-on-floor-at-rajnaths-public-meeting/
Spurned woman protests to rejoin with 'husband'- The New Indian Express
The Indian Express
Not this way
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/not-this-way/1195526/
SC/ST Act changes are misguided. There is no short cut to exerting political will and administrative reform.
In India, even today, it is painfully easy to recover evidence, anecdotal as well as documented, of prejudice towards the marginalised, especially those kept outside the mainstream along the axes of caste and tribal identity. Along with policies formulated to fast track inclusion — like reservation in educational institutions, government employment and political representation — there has, therefore, been over the decades a necessary use of the law to stigmatise and punish iterations of prejudice and bias. To strengthen this intolerance of expression, in deed and words, of discrimination and address concerns that existing laws against acts of exclusion were not enough, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act was passed in 1989. This week, the Union cabinet cleared amendments to the act to make it more stringent by, among other things, including as offences attempts to disallow sharing of common resources and to boycott persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. More problematically, the amendment also makes the accused's awareness of a person's caste or tribal identity a sufficient condition to establish guilt. Voices of concern at the potential for misuse and, at its more innocuous, misapplication of the provision, need to be taken aboard by the cabinet.
As reported in this newspaper on Friday, leaders of two UPA constituents, the RLD and NCP, Ajit Singh and Sharad Pawar, respectively, opposed the amendment. The misgivings about watering down the need to prove intent to discriminate, instead of merely proving awareness of SC/ST status, are obvious. It would affect administrative functioning, by way of disciplinary proceedings or other routine personnel changes. It would even, as sociologist Ashis Nandy points out, inhibit scholarship and academic analyses. The lack of thought evident in the legislation is of a piece with the UPA 2's current record of rushing in legislation in order to be seen to be responding to problems, and dodging the grittier task of asserting political will and administrative efficiency. And of course, leaving it to later governments and parliaments to clean up the drafts.
With regard to the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, this is particularly irresponsible. It evades a very real need to update our political discourse on discrimination and unequal opportunities to make the election-season stocktaking meaningful.
The Indian Express
Dalits in Mehsana village being 'ostracised'
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/dalits-in-mehsana-village-being--ostracised-/1195583/
Following a minor dispute between two youths of a village in Mehsana district, which led to a clash between Dalits and locally dominant and influential Chaudharys in late October, tension has ceased the leave the village. The Dalits, who are a minority here, are allegedly being ostracised by the Chaudharys. They claim that the ostracisation is to such a level that they are not getting work in farms or even their daily ration.
On October 24, two youths, a dalit and a Chaudhury, from Dagavadia village in Vijapur taluka of Mehsana district, reportedly had a fight over some minor issue, which was sorted out after their fathers intervened.
However, Kantibhai Makwana, the Dalit boy's father, who is also a former sarpanch, claimed that later that night, a mob of around 100-150 people of the Chaudhary community gathered in front of his house and started pelting stones. "I was badly injured and had to be rushed to hospital in an ambulance," he said. An FIR was registered with the Vasai police station against five Chaudharys and several others, including deputy sarpanch Ketan Chaudhary. The five were arrested and are currently in jail.
On the other hand, Ashwin, a Chaudharys, has also lodged a complaint with the police against the Dalits for attacking them on October 24. Ashwin's FIR names five dalits, including Kantibhai, his two sons and two others. While Kantibhai got anticipatory bail, the four dalit youths have gone underground, police said.
Dagavadia is a village with a population of around 3,000, dominated by Chaudharys. Dalits are in thin minority, comprising only around 30-35 homes.
Kantibhai alleged that on November 8, the Chaudharys held a community meeting in the village, in which they decided to ostracize the Dalits in their village and impose a fine of Rs 5,001 on any Chaudhary who violated this decision. "We (Dalits) are not getting work in farms, owned by them (Chaudharys). When some of us went to farms in nearby villages in search of work, the Chaudharys here wielded their influence to stonewall our chances of getting work," he said.
Hansaben Makwana, a former sarpanch of the village, said, "We (Dalits) are not even allowed to enter the village temple. Following the decision, taken orally by the Chaudharys, none of the owners of the provision stores, barring a few, give us daily ration. Those who do, do so secretly. Even the local barbers here refuse to cut the hair of a dalit man."
Jagdishkumar Parmar, another dalit, said, "I was a witness in the complaint lodged by Kantibhai's son. When they found out, they threatened me. I am a school teacher, but my family members are no longer getting farm labour-work."
The village sarpanch Prakash Chaudhary could not be contacted either on phone or in person. Another Chaudhary leader of the village, who is also a member of Mehsana district panchayat Narayanbhai Chaudhary claimed no such decision was taken.
When contacted, Mehsana Collector Rajkumar Beniwal said, "Sometime back, there was some issue in that village (Dagavadia). We had issued police bandobast for 10-15 days. But, the situation had normalised since then. I have not received any complaints of dalits being ostracized there. But, if such a thing is happening, we will get it checked and take necessary action."
PARIMAL DABHI
The Asian Age
Adoption row: Dalits protest against injustice in Mysore
http://www.asianage.com/india/adoption-row-dalits-protest-against-injustice-mysore-836
Mysore: Guardians of eight year old Ullas and seven year old Anand, who are all set to be given up for adoption to an Italian couple without their consent, protested in front of the Gandhi statue near the court here on Friday joined by hundreds of Dalit activists and several relatives.
Asked why they were against the children being adopted, when they seemed willing to go, their uncle Nataraj said, "We may be poor, but we are not heartless enough to let go of our sister's children altogether. Adoption would end our relationship with them and we don't want that to happen. The children themselves are too small to judge the situation."
Claiming they had met a child placed in the custody of the Child Welfare Committee, Mysore, who was adopted by a couple in Mandya, but did not like staying with them, he said, "Luckily the girl was in Mandya and so could come back. We are seeing so much of injustice taking place right before our eyes. Why should we then send our children to Italy?"
The protestors urged the Mysore district administration and the CWC, Mysore in a memorandum to immediately remove the children from the care of the Vatsalya Charitable Trust in Bengaluru, and put them in a good institution in Mysore in accordance with former Mysore Deputy Commissioner, Manivannan's order in 2008.
"We would like to see the children remain safe and well till they complete 18 years of age," they pleaded.
Anand and Ullas were orphaned five years ago after their mother was gangraped and murdered and their father committed suicide. The two were put in care of a home in Mysore by CWC but were later shifted to the VCT without their guardian's knowledge. —S.P.
The Free Press
Dalit candidate sits on floor at Rajnath's public meeting
http://freepressjournal.in/dalit-candidate-sits-on-floor-at-rajnaths-public-meeting/
BHOPAL: It was patently bizarre. The BJP's Dalit candidate from Ambah Vidhan Sabha constituency Bansilal Jatav was made to sit on the floor at the dais of the public meeting of party's national chief Rajnath Singh at Ambah in Morena districton Saturday while his counterparts from Dimni and Morena were occupying chairs.
Shiv Managal Singh Tomar who is a Thakur and has been fielded from Dimni Vidhan Sabha constituency and Parasram Mudgil who is Brahmin and party candidate from Morena sat on chairs with party senior leaders.
When media persons drew the attention of Rajnath Singh to this fact, he dismissed it as an inconsequential issue. Singh said, " It is up to Bansilal where to sit and he can sit where ever he wants to." Addressing the meeting, Singh referred to the spiraling prices and corruption in Congress rule. He also said that Pakistan and China were making incursions into the Indian territory while the Union government was twiddling its thumbs.
The New Indian Express
Spurned woman protests to rejoin with 'husband'
A 23-year-old Dalit woman staged a sit-in protest in front of the locked house of her lover, whom, she alleged, married her a year ago, but deserted her after his parents objected to it, at Anna Nagar here on Friday.
P Deivathai, a resident of RV Mill Road near Rasipuram in Namakkal district, staged the protest in front of M Subash's (23) house. However, the man's family left the house after locking it.
Deivathai claimed that Subash, also a Dalit, and she fell in love during their college days and got married at a temple in Namagiripet a year ago. However, when Subash's parents objected to the marriage, he succumbed to their pressure and left her, she alleged.
"We were in love since 2011. He married me a year ago, but did not get it registered saying it might create trouble for his father. Later, he told me to wait till his sister's marriage, but recently he said that his parents were not ready to accept me as I belonged to a different community," said Deivathai, who is a BEd student.
"I petitioned the Collector on Monday. But no action has been taken against Subash's parents," she said.
Meanwhile, Namagiripet police inspector P Arokiaraj said if she lodged a complaint, they would initiate action as per law.
News Monitor by Girish Pant
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
Teli pokhar named as Dr Viniyan Van Gaon in Sonbhadra, U.P
And
Jharkhand Kaimur Shetra Mahila Kisan Mazdoor Morcha formed in district Garhwa by AIUFWP
In disrict Garhwa, Jharkhand the struggle of forest rights has been initiated under the banner of Jharkhand Kaimur Shetra Mahila Kisan Mazdoor Morcha formed in district Garhwa by AIUFWP on 6-7 th nov 2013 in a mass gathering. Around 500 people participated in this meeting. The state of implementation of FRA is very bad in the state of Jharkhand. The government has not shown any political will neither the civil society groups have strongly launched struggle to implement this Act. The representatives from all kaimur region participated in this programme. There has been some organisational problem since Dr Viniyan left us. The organisational activities came to halt due to fractional politics practised by the present leadership of Jan Mukti Andolan based in Jehanabad, Bihar. The meeting was organised by those active members in district Garhwa who wanted to really address the issues of forest and land rights that was being neglected due to this fractional local politics. The local members of Garhwa unit decided to form their own local organisation that will be affiliated with the national level union AIUFWP. In a intense discussion among all the kaimur units of Kaimur Mukti Morcha of Bihar and Kaimur Ksetre Mahila Mazdoor Kisan Sangarsh Samity of UP decided to launch this new struggle in Garhwa under the banner of Jharkhand Kaimur Shetra Mahila Kisan Mazdoor Morcha formed in district Garhwa by AIUFWP.
In this occasion AIUFWP gen sect Ashok Chowdhury, dy gen sect Roma, secretariat member Avijeet, national council members Balkeshwar, Kamla kharwar, Lalti Ghasia, Sokalo Gond, Ramashanker Bharati, Sanichre Agaria, Bhoola, Kaulaiya Kunwar, Dhanpati, Shambhunath were present.
Teli pokhar named as Dr Viniyan Van Gaon in Sonbhadra, U.P
Series of meeting took place in kaimur region of UP and Jharkhand from 5-7 nov 2013. More than 500 people from different region participated in this programme on 5th nov in village Bahuar . The kaimur region is forest and mineral rich area that has been divided into five states UP, Bihar, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and MP. All India Union of Forest Working People is continuing the struggle of uniting the kaimur region as separate Hill Council and to bring this area under fifth schedule of Constitution of India. This struggle was initiated by our veteran leader Dr. Viniyan who left us in August 2006. AIUFWP is carrying this struggle forward and is successful in forming very strong people's organisation in UP, Bihar and Jharkhand.
A regional meeting on forest rights was organised in village Bahuar Teli Pokhar, Tehsil Robertsganj, Sonbhadra U.P on 5th nov to celebrate the struggle of forest people that started in year 2000. Around 800 acres of land has been taken in collective possession that is inside Ranipur Sanctuary. This village is one of the oldest that started the struggle for forest rights much before the forest rights act came into being in this region . This is also one of the area where Dr. Viniyan initiated the process of formation of people's organisation. To celebrate the victory of collective possession of land the village was named as Dr. VINIYAN VAN GAON.The land that is situated in kaimur sanctuary was in possession of forest people but fraudulently taken over by forest department in 60's. There is no forest in this land and most of these lands are the cultivable land that belonged to gram Sabha. There was a conflict between forest people and FD since long and many times the people houses were burnt and were evicted brutally.In 2000 the formation of local organisation kaimur ksetra mahila mazdoor Kisan sangarsh samity in association of national forum of forest people and forest worker (now transformed into All India Union of Forest Working People) the land was taken back. But in 2004 the FD again attacked the villagers and evicted them. But the struggle continued and after the FRA Forest Rights Act came into being the land was again taken back by the forest people. People are practising community forestry by planting fruit and trees that is useful to the community and cultivating too in leadership of women.
In this occasion AIUFWP gen sect Ashok Chowdhury, dy gen sect Roma, secretariat member Avijeet, national council members Balkeshwar, Kamla kharwar, Lalti Ghasia, Sokalo Gond, Ramashanker Bharati, Sanichre Agaria, Bhoola, Kaulaiya Kunwar, Dhanpati, Shambhunath were present.
Resolutions
To launch struggle for withdrawal of false cases in entire Kaimur region of UP, Bihar and Jharkhand on the occassion of Human Rights Day in December. 8th december in Kaimur, Bhabhua, Bihar and on 10th December, Renukut, Sonbhadra UP.
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On 19 January 2014 a mass rally against the atrocity of Forest Department and false cases aganist forest people will be taken in Nagar Untari, Dist Garhwa, Jharkhand.
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To launch extensive struggle on the developmental rights such as health especially in kaimur, Adhoura, Bihar for evicting CRPF from hospital premises and launch struggle for eradicating malaria from Kaimur region, better hospital facilities in Sonbhadra and action against negligent doctors of Hindalco who were responsible of killing tribal child mithilesh gond on 14th july 2013. This will be done in month of December and January 2014.
Dalits Media Watch
News Updates 15.11.13
'Changes in SC/ST Act will increase fissures in society'- The Indian Express
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/changes-in-scst-act-will-increase-fissures-in-society/1195161/
Houseless people begin indefinite fast- The Hindu
Two child marriages prevented in Sivaganga- The Hindu
Dalit vedike to hold demonstration- The Hindu
The Indian Express
'Changes in SC/ST Act will increase fissures in society'
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/changes-in-scst-act-will-increase-fissures-in-society/1195161/
A day after the cabinet, despite objections of two senior ministers, approved amendments to the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act that make mere knowledge of the victim's SC/ST status sufficient to establish the perpetrator's guilt, it has come under criticism. Lawyers, former cops, politicians and academics slammed the move.
Their view was that rather than an empowering law, it will be a tool to settle scores unless safeguards are in place, and pointed out that the Act is often misused in the administration by SC and ST employees to fend off disciplinary action.
"In laws like these, it is important to strike a balance. There is no doubt that SC/STs should get protection but (criminal) intent or mens rea is an essential ingredient in criminal law. I cannot agree with this change in the law... this will only increase fissures in society and pander to casteist lobbies...," said former BSF (DG) Prakash Singh.
The amendment was opposed in Wednesday's cabinet meeting by RLD chief Ajit Singh and NCP chief Sharad Pawar. It says wherever a victim's caste or tribal identity is to be established in a court of law and where it can be inferred from facts and circumstances of the case that the accused knew or believed the victim belongs to SC/ST, or the accused knows the victim or his/her family, the court shall presume the accused is aware of the caste or tribal identity of the victim, unless it is proved otherwise. They pointed out misuse of the law, sometimes by members of the upper caste to settle scores by making member of a lower caste a pawn. The amendment will make matters worse.
"Any move to empower SC/STs is laudable but in context of the present changes in the law, two things should be ensured. Firstly there has to be speedy trial and secondly there should be stringent provisions to deal with misuse. In the civil services, it is common practice for an employee to use the law to evade disciplinary action by seniors. The removal of the important defence of intent will undoubtedly increase misuse," said Supreme Court advocate Sanjoy Ghose.
Politicians from UPA constituents said off-the-record how difficult it would be for an accused to prove s/he was not aware of caste of the purported victim. A Rajya Sabha MP from the ruling coalition said his party stand was that a provision as stringent as this should not be enacted without appropriate safeguards.
"How can a person prove that s/he is not aware of something?" he asked. Academic Asish Nandy, against whom the Act was invoked for commenting on corruption among SC/STs, called the amendment a political weapon. "This is a stupid amendment that will destroy all analysis of caste and its implications because with the removal of the need to prove intent, any scholar whose analysis is not found palatable can be targeted," he said.
The Hindu
Houseless people begin indefinite fast
An indefinite relay fast was launched outside the office of the Deputy Commissioner here on Wednesday demanding allotment of houses to over 3,800 beneficiaries in the Gulbarga South, Gulbarga North and Gulbarga Rural Assembly constituencies, under various housing schemes.
It was organised under the banner of the Karnataka Dalit Sarvodaya Samiti.
The protesters, most of them women, came in a procession and submitted a memorandum to the Deputy Commissioner.
They said that the government had prepared a list of beneficiaries who had been identified as houseless for allotment of houses under various schemes in 2009. However, officials were dilly-dallying over the purchase of land.
They said the government should take the issue seriously and discuss it in the winter session of the Assembly scheduled to be held in Belgaum from November 25.
"The houses can be constructed either on the 95 acres of government land in Kusnur village under the Vajpayee Housing scheme and Rajiv Gandhi Housing Scheme or alternative land can be purchased for the purpose," they said.
The Hindu
Two child marriages prevented in Sivaganga
Social Defence and Child Welfare Committee officials on Wednesday rescued two prospective child brides, including a 15-year-old Dalit girl, after stopping arrangements being made for their marriages in Sivaganga district.
Acting on alerts and on the directive of Collector V. Rajaraman, the officials visited the families of the two minor girls and stopped their marriages, scheduled for Thursday and Friday. At Singampunari near Tirupattur, a 16-year-old Class X dropout, was about to be married to Manikandan, a 32-year-old hairdresser on Thursday.
A 15-year-old Plus One student from T. Pudupatti was scheduled to marry her maternal uncle Sundarapandian (33), working as a bearer in a hotel in Andaman and Nicobar Islands, at Olugamangalam on Friday.
N. Sivakumar, District Probation Officer, Department of Social Defence, who rescued the two girls and admitted them to government homes here after counselling them, said the girls were being forced into marriage as their fathers did not support the families.
He said the 16-year-old girl's stepmother had alleged that the girl was in love with a boy and she wanted to marry her off to a man of their community. As the girl was willing to pursue her studies, Sivakumar rescued her.
The girl was told that she could pursue nursing or teacher training course after completing Plus Two with government support, he said.
He said the 15-year-old Dalit girl had scored 450 out of 500 marks in Class X exams and taken up the first group in Plus One. Her father, who was working in Dubai, sent only Rs.6,000 once in three months to the family. Her mother, a construction worker, was finding it difficult to educate her, Mr.Sivakumar said.
As the girl agreed to continue her studies, he rescued her, he said. . Only five days ago, the officials had rescued two prospective child brides in Sivaganga and Ramanathapuram districts.
The Hindu
Dalit vedike to hold demonstration
The Karnataka Dalit Vedike has alleged that the Union and State governments are neglecting the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
They were more interested in publicising programmes for Dalits with an eye on the vote bank, office-bearers of the vedike alleged here on Wednesday. "We demand that the governments implement the welfare measures for the deprived sections of society. We will hold a demonstration outside the Deputy Commissioner's office here at 11 a.m. on Saturday to press for our demands such as waiver of loans taken from the Ambedkar Development Corporation and the Department of Tourism, correction of anomalies over promotions of people from the community in State and Central government establishments, and implementation of welfare schemes under the Social Welfare Department," they said.
News Monitor by Girish Pant
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
Lenin Raghuvanshi
On the one side India is moving ahead to be the superpower in the world and on the other side it is stated to be the home for largest number of bonded labours. On October 25, 2013 the People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) jointly with the Danish Institute Against Torture (dignity) with the support from Voice of People and QICAC, organised the public hearing against bonded labour and child labour to protest human dignity.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Viab0zFb-UA&feature=youtu.be
Public Hearing on Bonded & Child Labour
Like · · Share · about an hour ago near Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh ·
Jharkhand Movement and the Left
(Below is the paper presented by Manoj Bhakt at the seminar on Marxism and Jharkhand Question held by Indian Institute of Marxist Studies at Ranchi on April 25. A report on the seminar was carried in our June issue.)
I. Attempts at carving out a separate Jharkhand state on the Indian map had started during the British regime itself. These still continue fifty years after independence. Jharkhand movement is no exceptional case for a separate state. In many other parts of the country, movements for separate states (within Indian Union) by various nationalities and regional forces have been going on for a long time. Even after the dissolution of the first State Reorganisation Commission not only did the formation of separate states continue, the proposals rejected by the Commission acquired depth and became more broadbased in the form of mass movements. Along with these movements the question of development of states has also come up. Jharkhand movement is one of them and the question of the attitude of the Left towards this movement is integrally linked with the outlook of the Left on the question of development of the Indian state.
The debate concerning the nationality is quite old among the Left but in the Indian context this has not taken a concrete form. Here the nationality question has been limited to some rhetorics and formalisms by the Left and this has pushed the Left out of the arena of struggle. One cannot deny the complexity involved in this question. It would be foolish to adopt only one criteria for looking at all nationalities in India because various nationalities are at different stages of their socio-economic development. But within the Indian political system the movements striving for autonomy are not only oppressed but they are also isolated from the rest of the country by creating suspicion and declaring them anti-national. The ruling class uses this instrument against all autonomy movements. A big section of the Left, instead of opposing it, gets entangled in this. The Left needs to take a look at its policies on the interrelation between national unity and autonomy for nationalities.
In its form and content the movement for a separate Jharkhand state is a struggle for autonomy of a backward nationality and it is trying to find a solution within the totality of the Indian state. The colonialism of the British period and the rulers of independent India in the age of neo-colonialism have given rise to old and new social tensions in Jharkhand. These tensions had dealt a blow to the stagnation of colonialism of the earlier period. Subsequently, the activism of the new class and sub-class social groupings is taking an effective role in the public arena. These are the new facets to the Jharkhand movement. The Left cannot confine them merely to the cultural context because these are coming up in the form of day-to-day political questions. The gravity of this question is increasing more due to the growing influence of reactionary forces. The truth is that the creative utilisation of these social tensions has not found a proper place in the agenda of the Left. Lamenting over opportunism of the parties calling themselves Jharkhandi or shedding tears over this will not solve the problem. The Left is facing lots of problems in powerfully mobilising Jharkhandi forces against this opportunism and then taking this mobilisation to the leading role. There is a need to make a threadbare analysis of this situation and remove the weaknesses.
After independence the period of industrialisation in Jharkhand began. To tackle the growing discontent in Jharkhand many developmental projects were started. Industrialisation and these development projects only added to the distorted and lopsided development of this region - these brought in new problems in a flood-like manner. In all, the result was that Jharkhand region was being pushed towards incurable backwardness. Jobs and resettlement were not made available but almost all of ancestral land slipped out of the fold of Jharkhandis. Forests were uprooted, traditional forms of production were destroyed, and in return, Jharkhandis were pushed into the army of unorganised labourers. The change in composition of the population due to urbanisation soon alienated Jharkhandis from their own land. The worst victim of these changes was the Jharkhandi tribal life. The tribal identity of the adivasis - which is an important feature of Jharkhand - was attempted to be smothered under the facade of development and industrialisation. Surely, the ruling class was able to bring a small section of adivasis into its fold in this whole process. But the rest were left to suffer under this situation over which they had no control and which was forcibly thrust upon them from outside. The fallout of developmental projects and industrialisation also took the shape of sharp tendencies for regionalism. This provided strength to the unity of the tribal community and rationale to the cries of seperation from Bihar. The question of unlimited plunder of resources from Jharkhand and spending virtually nothing in return gave birth to movemental forms like economic blockade. Independent mass movements on issues like resettlement, forest protection and environment came up. The issue of tribal self-rule is also giving rise to mass mobilisation. All these types of struggling tendencies have an integral connection with Jharkhand movement. The Left's attitude towards them is not yet clear even though they are very much the products of independent India.
There can be many facets to the topic 'Jharkhand Movement and the Left'. But I will restrict my views to the above-mentioned context only. It could be that some aspects will be influenced by the limits of the topic. Secondly, there are many streams of left in India and I will mainly present my views on the basic assumptions and practices of CPI, CPI(M) and CPI(ML). Surely, the specific practice of Comrade AK Roy will also be discussed which is an important experience of the Left here.
II. The awakening against British imperialism provided the foundation for Indian nationalism. Now after independence when the British guns are not aimed at us, it is obvious that the nation had to be reorganised on the basis of democracy. Specially, the aspirations of the backward nationalities, minority nationalities and backward regional forces were to be respected in the formation of states. But with the transfer of power into the hands of comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords they gave protection to the fundamental neo-colonial feudal relations inside the country. That is, there was a change from colonialism to semi-colonialism. To some extent the feudal special privileges still form the basis for the relations between the forward and backward nationalities and the redistribution of power between various nationalities. These special privileges are also operative in the relations between states and centre, in the relations between developed and backward regions within states etc. The communist principle is to abolish all these old kind of special privileges whether they are direct or indirect, even if the benefit of these special privileges is availed by the elites of backward nationalities along with the ruling class of the forward nationalities.
Regarding the emergence of Indian state contradictory ideas are present among a large section of communists even today. In the first place, the undivided communist party denied in toto the importance of independence and later making amends to this gave it a status of victory of national democratic movement. CPI(M) presents things in a slightly different way. According to CPI(M), democratic revolution is yet to take place but feudal-colonial relation is not the central target of this revolution. As a result democratic revolution is unable to break the limits of the rhetorics of the economic and cultural questions. This means there is only a quantitaive difference between CPI and CPI(M) over the point that national unification is complete. In their eyes the problem of nationalities has almost been solved. And if at all it is strong anywhere it is because of the subversive forces acting from behind. Refusing to look for the roots of this problem in the Indian political arena, CPI and CPI(M) adopt the ruling classes' position of 'the external intervention'. In this way their nationalism is not much different from that of the ruling classes. These parties were never firm on the question of the right of nationalities to self-determination. And now they have deleted the word 'self-determination' from some of their recent documents.
Even though CPI(ML) is divided into many parts, we can consider two representative streams within it. The PWG overlooks the quantitative change in capitalism over the periods before and after independence. At the same time it belittles the importance of the Indian identity that was obtained with the struggle for independence. As a result, instead of viewing the nationality movement as part of the democratic movement it sees it as an important instrument to destroy state machinery and views the project of national unification as the union of independent and autonomous nationalities. This treats the movement of the Indian people against British imperialism as having gone waste. In this way, where CPI(M) raises the slogan of national chauvinism, PWG gets trapped in the advocacy of narrow nationalism.
The other view is that of CPI(ML) Liberation. It takes into account the development of Indian identity against British imperialism and also observes that the birth of multinational, multilingual state took place not only with semi-colonial distortions, but also the Indian unity and nationalism obtained during independence is under the burden of heavy bureaucratism and an overcentralised power. Because the imperialism stood as a real enemy before the people even after independence, the ruling class exploits the distorted nationalism. For Maley the movement of nationalities is an essential part of political agenda for the development of a true and composite nationalism. Autonomy for backward nationalities and national minorities are the preconditions for a federal and democratic India.
The violation of the right of backward nationalities in semi-colonial and semi-feudal Indian society means protecting the special privileges of the advanced nationalities. This rather provides labour for a pittance for imperialist economy and creates unlimited profits for it. Hence, communists are the staunch defenders of the autonomy for the backward nationalities so that the old type of special privileges can be done away with. At the same time real national unity can be strengthened from below. It is important to struggle against the discrimination of the nationalities to remove the distortions imposed by British imperialism or neo-imperialism. In this way we can say that the question of nationalism is not the residual question of 1947. On the one hand, the enthusiasm associated with the abolition of the jagirs, and on the other hand, partition on the basis of religious nationalism had for some time frozen this question and then later the formation of linguistic states had rendered it dormant. But fifty years later this question has acquired a new place and attained new importance.
III. On the nationalities question in Indian context the debates within the Left have not developed much. The main reason is that CPI and CPI(M), while mentioning the multinational character hesitate to pose this question as a fundamental problem of Indian politics. At the same time they were content with the initiatives taken by the Congress party and considered the Sixth Schedule as the maximum limit for autonomy. This looks more surprising in a situation when CPI(M) has been taking up seriously the demand for reorganisation of centre-state relations which is a justified demand. Let us look at CPI(M)'s outlook on the question of nationalities with the help of one of its documents: "During this period the movement for separate state/identity continued. Chiefly among them were the demands for Bodo adivasis in Assam and Jharkhand area in Bihar. The Fourteenth Congress had said that in these two regions the regional autonomous councils be established with adequate powers and if necessary the constitution could be amended for this." Similar recommendations have been given on other similar issues in this document.
Let us take an excerpt from CPI's document: "For our multilingual and multinational country the ethnic problem is a decisive problem. In spite of linguistic reorganisation even now many problems exist. Small tribes and adivasis are coming to new awareness. And they are struggling for the establishment of their languages, culture, political rights and identity.... The struggle of the adivasis for their identity and homeland has taken up a new dimension. Jharkhand, Bodoland and North Cachar Hills are involved in this. The movements have become mass movements. The centre has to begin talks to find a solution. There are going to be many such movements in many other states having a good percentage of tribal population." (Draft of the CPI's statement relating to its programme; 1-6 Jan. 1997). CPI mentions no reason for its sudden change in attitude because before this CPI had opposed movements for a separate state.
CPI(ML) Liberation views the question of nationality like this: "India is a land of various nationalities, ethnic and linguistic groups. Increasing economic and cultural homogeneity, anti-colonial freedom struggle and the decades old unity forged from anti-imperialist and democratic struggles have provided a unified Indian identity to our multi-national character. But the process of gradual development of this Indian identity has been a victim of big comprador and national chauvinistic distortions, economic and cultural discriminations and regional disparities on a large scale. Due to this various separatist tendencies have got a boost....We are for the construction of national unity from below where various nationality groups, national minorities will have a guarantee to the broadest possible autonomy. The unification of India on a democratic basis is an important part of democratic revolution".
Nationalities in India can be divided into three main categories. In the first category are developed nationalities like Tamils and Punjabis, in the second category are backward nationalities like Jharkhandis and in the third category are extremely backward nationalities like Nagas and Mizos. The attitude of the communists to different movements of the nationalities will be different. Where the ruling classes of developed nationalities want to strengthen their position in the Indian political structure through the movements of concerned nationalities, the people of the extremely backward nationalities express their resistance against the political constructions imposed on them through their nationality movements. There are two simultaneous trends in the movement of backward nationality like Jharkhand. One is that of the emerging neo-rich sections of the concerned nationality who try to remove the outside rulers and take over their place and the other is that of the exploited people who along with their struggle against the outside rulers conduct struggle against the local neo-rich sections. In the movements of developed nationalities the communists can go to the maximum extent of extending negative support. The task of the communists in the movement of the backward nationality is to prepare the leadership of peasants and workers against the rich classes of the concerned nationality and to compete for the position of leadership in this movement and bring about a polarisation on the basis of classes. Communists are not only the staunch supporters of the movements of extremely backward nationalities but they also develop an appropriate structure for a progressive leadership. Let us look at the practice of these three streams of the Left in this light.
The CPI(M) wants to solve the problem of nationality through tribal autonomous councils even though in this very document it discusses the failure of Bodoland Council and says that adequate powers have not been given to it. The difficulty is that most of these movements have passed through the stage of autonomous councils. Even the movement of Gorkhaland, after having a taste of autonomous council, is coming up again while the government which is to devolve the powers to them is led by CPI(M). So what can we conclude from this: it is most likely that the CPI(M) would include this in "disruptionist activities". There is one more possibility that CPI(M) opposes the movements of nationalities or regional forces so long as they are associated with real mass aspirations. But when the different strata of the movement get degenerated at the hands of the ruling class of the concerned nationality and lose their mass character, CPI(M) promptly establishes friendship with these degenerated leaderships. Perhaps, the change in CPI(M)'s relations with AGP and DMK suggests the same story.
In the past, CPI's attitude towards the nationality movement has not been different from this. The above-mentioned quotation from a CPI document doesn't present a self-criticism of its practice in the past. Even then the change that has taken place is positive and welcome. But if there is no holistic view about this then usually the change proves to be an opportunist exercise. Second thing is that the emphasis of CPI has been more for talks with the central government rather than on mass movements. It is doubtful whether this approach will inspire CPI to prepare for a real mass movement.
Maley (CPI(ML) Liberation) has adopted a critical view of the movements of advanced nationalities. For example, it adopted a negative position on the issue of Khalistan. At the same time not only did Maley support the movements in Uttarakhand and Jharkhand but it also actively intervened in them. Along with emerging as the strong supporter of the movements of extremely backward national minorities like Karbis and Misings, it has also built up organisations like ASDC, TPF etc., to provide these movements a leftward orientation. Practices like these enrich the experiences of the Left in the Indian context.
Lenin says that the overthrowing of the entire feudal crimes, entire oppression of nationalities and the special privileges of any one nationality or one language is the essential duty of the proletariat as a democratic force and this is certainly in the interest of the proletarian class struggle which is made hazy and hindered by the conflicts among the nationalities. (From Critical Comments on the Nationality Question). According to Lenin, the question of right to self-determination of the nationalities more than being a question of nationalism is a question of democracy and in this the communist principle is minimum nationalism and maximum democracy. This is the reason why the communists even while struggling against narrow nationalism on the question of nationality, in the relative sense are the staunchest supporters of maximum autonomy and their only aim is to direct the class struggle within the concerned nationality in favour of the people.
IV. The modern composition of Jharkhand was developed in reaction against British colonialism despite the fact that conducive integrated economic structure based on geographic features, backward agriculture and forests, and integral cultural heritage, unique inter-tribal relations etc., were present for this. Tensions were sparked off in the society due to new polarisations caused by the growing pressures on land by the state at the time of colonial subjugation and the consequent transfer of the land constantly into the hands of usurers and ????, as well as due to other external pressures. As a result, revolts in this region took the form of tradition and culture developed under resistance. In the initial period these revolts were of religious and retrograde form which is a special feature of peasant revolts. But progressively the development of these struggles took place in the form of looking for a new system against the raj, zamindari and usury. The Munda resistance from 1789 to 1820, the Kol revolt of 1830-31, the Bhumij revolt of 1834, the Santhal revolt of 1855-56, the Sepoy Mutiny of 1856-57, the upsurge under the leadership of Birsa Munda during 1895-1901 etc., kept the entire region agitated with a series of revolts spanning over more than a century. If the people faced the repression together, they also enjoyed the fruits of victory together. The laws that were made under compulsion were the achievements of these struggles. The Chotanagpur-Santhal Parganas Tenants Act (1872, 1886, 1903, 1908) that put a check on land sales in Chotanagpur and Santhal Parganas etc., were enacted under the pressure of these struggles. The spontaneous struggles in Jharkhand have laid the foundation for a tradition of resistance. At the same time it also did the initial work of giving an identity to Jharkhand. There is no doubt that the hero of the above-mentioned struggles was the adivasi and he had the complete support of non-adivasi small peasant too. During this time, the growing activity of the missionaries and the efforts of the British government to coopt small groups of adivasis gave birth to a section of educated, Westward-looking adivasis. And in this process Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj, then Adivasi Mahasabha, and finally Jharkhand Party came into existence. Even before independence the demand for a separate state was proposed to the Simon Commission and the Cripps Commission. The new leadership had no movemental programme and it lacked the energy for waging struggles. Its only asset was its allegiance to the ruling class and its party. At the centre of this leadership was the famous and brilliant Jaipal Singh Munda. In spite of a spectacular electoral victory of the Jharkhand Party, its entire leadership went over to Congress later. One reason could be that the State Reorganisation Commission (1955) had rejected the demand for a separate Jharkhand state. In spite of all weaknesses these happenings had two important contributions - first, this struggle for a separate Jharkhand state took a long-term character, and secondly, it pointed to the lack of unity between adivasis and non-adivasis as the weakness of the movement.
Four years after the demise of Jharkhand Party a momentary upsurge came in Jharkhand with Birsa Seva Dal. This was also a movement of educated adivasi youth but its character was just the opposite of Jharkhand Party. Organising peasants near towns and in farflung villages and bringing them in direct action against the oppressors was the main activity of Birsa Seva Dal. In spite of some remarkable initiatives this collapsed in the face of repression. This was the first movement in the history of Jharkhand which was influenced by the Left and its source of inspiration was Naxalbari. It is said that some leaders of the Birsa Seva Dal had relations with CPI(ML).
Then began the second phase of Jharkhand movement. This was the struggle for land seizure and against usury in North Chotanagpur and Santhal Parganas which in the beginning was an explosion of the adivasi peasant movement and later spread to wider areas in the countryside. Adivasi groups armed with bows and arrows along with non-adivasi small peasants would come and capture the land of usurers, harvest the fields and walk away with the crops. This struggle of ???? was actually a struggle between land grabbers and peasants. During this time with the efforts of Comrade AK Roy, this struggle was extended to the unorganised labourers in the coalbelt who were fed up with the Bihari mafias. The late Vinod Bihari Mahato was a militant leader of the Kurmis and he used to work through the Shivaji Samaj. Shibu Soren was leading the struggle against the usurers. With the merger of these three streams Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was constituted in 1973. The speciality of this movement was the struggle of the poor peasants in the countryside, the anti-mafia struggle of unorganised labourers in the urban localities and the living unity of adivasis and the non-adivasis. With the opposition to the mafia, the anti-Bihar tendency became prominent in the urban areas. The police and the administration used to look down upon the life style of the locals and this was also responsible for the anti-Bihari tendency. This phase of Jharkhand movement created a force of enlightened activists of the Jharkhand movement in all villages and localities.
It was in this phase of Jharkhand movement that Comrade AK Roy's formulation of 'Jharkhand and Lalkhand' came to the fore. Compared to all other phases in the past this phase was extremely broad-based, deep and all-pervasive. But with the waning of the first upsurge all the three streams again divided and Shibu Soren's opportunism came to the fore in the form of his agreement with Indira Gandhi. In spite of this, this struggling phase in the period of establishment of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) took the Jharkhand movement to new heights and gave it a qualitative leap. The agreement with Congress not only made the leadership dubious but there was a degeneration in its pro-people direction. And the intrusion of anti-Jharkhand forces into JMM also took place.
The next upsurge in Jharkhand began in the eighties. This time the leadership was in the hands of the educated Jharkhandi youth and identity was the main issue. In this period the influence of the emerging petty-bourgeois elements on the movement was clear. Militant bandhs for two-three days and militant participation of the urban youth were a speciality of this movement. But All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) which was the convener of this movement soon got degenerated with a greed for power. During this time some well-known Jharkhandi intellectuals, some ML groups, Jharkhand Party and AJSU made efforts and formed the Jharkhand Coordination Committee (JCC). This also took up programmes like demonstrations and bandhs. But none of the constituents could emerge as a consensus centre. Even though it had some theoretical formulations it could not give birth to a movement that could generate theorisation.
From time to time there were talks with the centre and the state governments but these talks could not express the strength of the movement. The report of the expert committee on Jharkhand also ended up with a recommendation of a vaguely defined council. These talks were reduced down to a form of bargaining between the parties in power and the degenerated leadership. After each round of talks this leadership would return from Patna and Delhi, more inactive to take movemental initiatives and be more suspect in the eyes of the public. What a contradictory thing this is that such a broad-based movement could not exert appropriate influence over these talks. Once again, in the '90s, began the phase of joint activities with economic blockades and general strikes. These were militant and effective. This time JMM was with JD which was in power. As a result of this movement and various rounds of talks with state and central governments the present undemocratic and powerless JAAC was established which appears less as a product of a movement and more as a product of unholy bargains.
The criminalisaton of politics based on the development of mafiadom in Jharkhand area is a reflection of the lumpenisation of economy. Generally with the ongoing process of economic liberalisation and specifically with the intrusion of MNCs this lumpenisation of economy has gone from bad to worse. The result has been the consolidation of lumpen capital. On the one hand, this capital has developed such a network that it can absorb a section of Jharkhandi population, especially a section of the unemployed. On the other hand, this has been successful in establishing a unity of the neo-rich in rural Jharkhand and the kulaks.
While this special phenomenon has on the one hand weakened the economic concept of 'locals vs. outsiders', on the other hand, it has strengthened the economic base of Jharkhandi type of regional parties (From the report of Jharkhand Regional Committee, CPI(ML)).
In this brief history of the Jharkhand movement the traditional Left could not take sides. The CPI and CPI(M) leaders say that "Jharkhand is no solution, class struggle is the solution". It is correct but the problem is that without solving the Jharkhand problem class struggle cannot be freed in this region. The second argument of CPI-CPI(M) leaders is that the leadership of the Jharkhand movement is in the hands of powerful sections of Jharkhand. There is truth in this too but this section also raises the slogan of freeing itself from the oppression of Bihari ruling class. Does your silence not become a support to the Bihari ruling class in which bureaucrats, corrupt politicians and small and big mafia are present? Does this not mean that the fate of the people would be left in the hands of Jharkhandi exploiters? Does this not mean giving a consent to the special privileges of the Bihari nationality? Whatever be its meaning, the result was that the Left got removed from the social-political centre of Jharkhand and got reduced to some practices in the area of trade union and this provided arguments to the anti-Left forces within Jharkhand. Not only this, the Left could have established a bridge between the Jharkhandi peasants-workers and Bihari peasants-workers. The Left could have enlightened the toiling masses of Bihar with this consciousness that without Jharkhand the process of democratisation of Bihar and the defeat of feudalism is not possible. But the Left could not take up this role. CPI, by taking the decision to participate in the Jharkhand movement has taken a welcome step but without its self-criticism this decision of their's could degenerate into opportunism.
From the very beginning Maley has supported the Jharkhand movement. This support gradually developed from active support to the policy of direct intervention. Maley'smass political organisation IPF started actively participating in the eighties. Its MLA vigorously raised the issue of Jharkhand in the assembly from time to time. As a constituent of the JCC, IPF took active part in its joint programmes. Later through the Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Samiti, Maley actively intervened in the Jharkhand movement. We shall discuss about this later. Finally, under the banner of Maley, programmes like Jharkhand bandh were successfully undertaken. At the same time, Maley also popularised the slogan "No Jharkhand, no democratic Bihar" among the toiling sections in Bihar. Even though Maley went into joint activities with the supporters of Jharkhand as well as with Jharkhandi parties both inside and outside the assembly, it also spoke against the vacillating attitude of these parties towards Congress and BJP and highlighted this as the main source of opportunism. Maley has always given a call for strengthening the leadership of workers-peasants in the Jharkhand movement on a class basis and stressed on the polarisation of anti-Congress forces in the Jharkhand movement. Due to Maley's tactics not only has it been accepted by the Jharkhandis but it has a special place in the movement for a separate Jharkhand state.
V. The different experiences of the Jharkhand movement has also given birth to many debates. Let us take a look.
1. 26 Districts Vs. 18 Districts: With the formation of JAAC the debate related to the political, geographical boundaries of Jharkhand has come to a halt for the time being. At present 18 districts of south Bihar are popularly known as Jharkhand districts. It is claimed that Jharkhand comprises of 26 districts including the adjoining areas in West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. Socially and culturally these districts are similar to Jharkhand and in these regions Jharkhandi sentiments are also present to some extent. Hence the proposal for a Jharkhand of 26 districts is not baseless. But the intensity of the movement is not the same in all the states and coordinating it outside Bihar is impractical and difficult. It is clear that the movement for greater Jharkhand can get its strength from the alienation of Jharkhand from Bihar and the process of state reorganisation once again. For the time being the actual force of the movement lies in the Bihar part of Jharkhand.
2. Internal Colonialism: This formulation in the context of Jharkhand was by Comrade AK Roy. According to this, backward nationalities are colonies of developed nationalities. This formulation of Comrade AK Roy was readily accepted by petty bourgeois intellectuals. The theory of internal colonialism changes the entire context of the Jharkhand movement. Instead of the Indian ruling classes or the oppressors of the developed nationalities, Bihari nationality becomes the target. Due to this, open or secret channels of bargaining are opened up with the ruling classes. At the same time this formulation is also favourable to the growing ruling class within Jharkhand. This formulation dilutes the class consciousness of Jharkhandi people and harms the unity of the toiling people of various nationalities.
3. Adivasi Autonomy: Industrialisation, urbanisation and the various legal webs have ended the control of adivasis over the material resources of adivasi life. At the same time the changes that came about after independence have dealt a blow to their social status. And as a result the traditions of adivasi community, their social institutions and culture have become insecure and their natural development has also been impeded. Today RSS on the one hand and the Christian missionaries on the other have started communalising the adivasi tradition. In reaction to this within the adivasi community itself retrograde conservatism is taking birth. At the same time the stagnant traditional institutions are being badly exploited by the oppressors and due to this stagnation the adivasi community has become the cheapest source of labour for imperialistic capitalism. Private capital like Tatas and state capital like HEC have converted the adivasis into insecure, contract labourers.
To break through this stagnation, it is needed today that the adivasis be provided with political autonomy so that they themselves can develop the administrative, social and cultural institutions. The need for adivasi autonomy will still be there in a separate Jharkhand state. Almost all the Left streams subscribe to this.
VI.There have been some special experiments by the Left in the Jharkhand movement and this has enriched the experiences of the Left. These have been the experiment of Comrade AK Roy, the formation of Jharkhand Kranti Dal by CPI(ML) PCC and the experiment of JHAMKIS by CPI(ML) Liberation.
Comrade AK Roy has taken the Jharkhand movement as a part of the communist movement. He brought the theory of internal colonialism to the fore. He presented Jharkhand as the biggest internal colony within India. He called the adivasis communists by birth and the communitarianism of the adivasis as favourable to socialism. This is how his practice began. According to Comrade Roy, the liberation of Jharkhand would not only convert it into Lalkhand but will also inspire the communist movement all over India. In his scheme of things the next in line after Lenin and Birsa was Sibhu Soren. In this theorisation, communists had only to let themselves be simply swept away in the flow of JMM. Comrade Roy in his practice neglected some of the important historical experiences of the communist movement. First is that the communists can consciously provide direction to a spontaneous movement and convert them into a communist movement. Or else these movements will in absolute terms become the victims of petty-bourgeois deviations. Second thing is that claiming adivasis to be communists by birth and comparing the consciousness of their communitarianism with socialist consciousness is not only based on a wrong understanding of communism or socialism but it also produces misunderstanding about their important role in the Jharkhand movement. Regarding the participation of communists in the flow of JMM, Comrade Roy himself had to take to the shores. From time to time Vinod Bihari Mahato also separated from JMM and Shibu Soren - on whom the responsibility of being the next link after Lenin and Birsa was bestowed - and went into the lap of Congress. In spite of the failures of Comrade AK Roy's practice, there appears the spark of a meeting point between the communist movement and the Jharkhand movement and it cannot be denied that this practice brought the movement as a broadbased front of workers and peasants, specially adivasis to the fore. Due to its weak ideological basis and the weak understanding of the class composition in Jharkhand, Comrade Roy's practice degenerated from a communist leadership to the development of the opportunist and petty bourgeois leadership of Jharkhand.
CPI(ML) PCC intervened in the Jharkhand movement under the banner of Jharkhand Kranti Dal. It developed a few pockets in Singhbhum and Gumla but this organisation had a non-political approach and was involved in grassrootist practice. As a result it got alienated from the politics of Jharkhand. It also participated in the JCC. Slowly this organisation declined and PCC withdrew from furthering this practice.
CPI(ML) Liberation intervened in the movement for a separate Jharkhand state under the banner of Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Samiti (JHAMKIS) in the beginning of 1990s. Its main slogan was Separate Jharkhand state, Fight for forest, land and employment! It displayed a militancy in its demonstrations and programmes, it tired to combine the economic struggles at the grassroots with the movement for a separate state. At the same time it also started developing relations with the movements based on the issues like displacement. But the tendency that differentiated it from other Jharkhandi organisations was its aggressive stance against Congress and BJP. After a long debate in the process of joint activities, it decided to come out of the JCC on the question of Congress. JMM was bringing in the Congress through all the doors into JCC and the stance of AJSU and JPP was also vacillatory. JHAMKIS was an organisation with a semi-political character and with the entry of Maley into the Jharkhand movement directly its role became that of mass organisation of workers and peasants.
From time to time the Left experiments provided strength to the Jharkhand movement on the one hand and on the other hand it also gave a direction to the class polarisation within Jharkhand. It is true that till now the work of understanding and formulating the experiences of these experiments in the correct context is still incomplete. But these experiments have proved that there lie hidden many favourable possibilities for the Left in the Jharkhand movement.
JAAC has made a mockery of the aspirations of Jharkhandis. Today Jharkhand movement is again facing a stagnation. The leadership of the traditional Jharkhandi parties are seen with suspicion by their own cadres and masses. They are declaring new programmes but these programmes are hardly producing any enthusiasm among the Jharkhandi people. The question now is probably not that of programmes. The question is of direction.
Only the Left, by polarising the Jharkhandi forces, can present the solution to this problem of direction at present. Jharkhand movement, in which along with the aspirations of nationalities class struggle is also present, awaits the arrival of new forces at this new juncture. BJP's Vananchal is a ploy to sabotage the possibility of class struggle here. It has been proved that the issue of Vananchal has gained ground due to the Jharkhandi opportunism. The unique peasant movement of which the struggle of the tribals is a part, and the anti-mafia struggle of the unorganised labourers within Jharkhand can be resolutely taken to their logical culmination only by the Left. The two real heroes of Jharkhand are these two forces and without bringing them to the centrestage, the struggle for a separate Jharkhand state cannot either be pro-people or be provided with a committed leadership. History is a witness to the fact that the coming together of Jharkhandi and Left forces has produced a stormy struggle for a separate state. But Left could not maintain its continuity. This has been its weakness. There could be many issues on which there are differences between Jharkhandi and Left forces. But we have to search for ways in which a principled cooperation could be developed between the two streams and all the efforts could be channelised towards breaking through this stagnation.
(Translated from Hindi by Siddartha)
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Jharkhand State
Introduction
Jharkhand means a forest country. This region lies in the southern part of Bihar embracing Santhalparganas and Chhotanagpur. It comprises of 18 districts. It is a plateau about 3000 feet above sea level. The highest part of the plateau is Netarhat which has an elevation of 3600 ft. The Parasnath Hill is the highest point with an elevation of 4800 feet. The plateau is full of mountain ranges covered with dense forests. A number of rivers and rivulets flow down through the hilly terrains and valleys.
- Genesis of Jharkhand Movement
This may be divided into three parts (a) Bloody revolts of the tribals (b) Moderate socio-economic movements (c) the political movements.
(a) The bloody revolts: The period of bloody revolts of the adivasees to protect their Jharkhand land took place from 1771 to 1900 AD. The first ever revolt against the landlords and the British government was led by Tilka Manjhi, a valiant Santhal leader in Santal tribal belt in 1771. He wanted to liberate his people from the clutches of the unscrupulous landlords and restore the lands of their ancestors. The British government sent its troops and crushed the uprisings of Tilka Manjhi. Soon after in 1779, the Bhumij tribes rose in arms against the British rule in Manbhum, now in West Bengal. This was followed by the Chero tribes unrest in Palamau. They revolted against the British Rule in 1800 AD. Hardly seven years later in 1807, the Oraons in Barway murdered their big landlord of Srinagar west of Gumla. Soon the uprisings spread around Gumla. The tribal uprisings spread eastward to neighbouring Tamar areas of the Munda tribes. They too rose in revolt in 1811 and 1813. The Hos in Singhbhum were growing restless and came out in open revolt in 1820 and fought against the landlords and the British troops for two years. This is called the Larka Kol Risings 1820-1821. Then came the great Kol Risings of 1832. This was the first biggest tribal revolt that greatly upset the British administration in Jharkhand. It was caused by an attempt of the Zamindars to oust the tribal peasants from their hereditary possessions. The Santhal insurrection broke out in 1855 under the leadership of two brothers Sidhu and Kanhu. They fought bitterly against the British troops but finally they too were crashed down.
Then Birsa Munda revolt broke out in 1895 and lasted till 1900. The revolt though mainly concentrated in the Munda belt of Khunti, Tamar, Sarwada and Bandgaon, pulled its supporters from Oraon belt of Lohardaga, Sisai and even Barway. It was the longest and the greatest tribal revolt in Jharkhand. It was also the last bloody tribal revolt in Jharkhand.
(b) Moderate movements of 20th century: The 20th century Jharkhand movement may be seen as moderate movement as compared to the bloody revolts of the 19th century. Having the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 to protect their lands, the tribal leaders now turned to socio-economic development of the people. In 1914 Jatra Oraon started what is called the Tana Movement. Later this movement joined the Satyagrah Movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 and stopped giving land tax to the Government. In 1915 the Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj was started for the socio-economic development of the tribals. This organisation had also political objectives in mind. When the Simon Commission in 1928 came to Patna the Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj sent its delegation and placed its demand for a separate Jharkhand State for self-rule by the tribals. The Simon Commission however did not accede to the demand for a separate Jharkhand State. Thereafter Theble Oraon organised Kishan Sabha in 1931. In 1935 the Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj and the Kishan Sabha were merged with a view to acquire political power subsequently.
(c) Jharkhand Party: Political Movement: In 1939 Jaipal Singh was invited to come to Ranchi from Darjeeling to join Adivasi Mahasabha. He came and joined the Adivasee Mahasabha and was elected its President. After the independence of the country, the Adivasee Mahasabha was given the name of Jharkhand Party. Jaipal Singh remained the President of the Jharkhand Party from 1939 to 1960.
The Jharkhand Party grew stronger politically gradually but various Commissions examining the demands for a separate Jharkhand State rejected its demand one after another. In August 1947 the Thakkar Commission rejected it saying that it would not be to the advantage of the adivasees. In 1948 Dar Commission also examined the demand for a separate Jharkhand state but rejected it on linguistic grounds. Despite these reports of these Commissions going negative in nature, Jharkhand Party never lost sight of its ultimate target – a separate state of Jharkhand. It fought first General Election in 1952 and won 32 seats in the Bihar Assembly. In the second General Election in 1957 too Jharkhand Party won 32 seats and for two terms the party remained the leading opposition party. In 1955 the Report of the State Reorganisation Commission came out. Here too the demand for a separate Jharkhand state was rejected. In the third general election in 1962 the party could win only 23 seats in the Bihar Assembly. Personal interests of the Jharkhand leaders started playing upper hands. The party merged with the Congress Party in 1963.
In the 4th General Election held in 1967 the party had a very poor show. It could win only 8 seats. The party was soon split into several splinter groups each claiming to be the genuine Jharkhand party. These were All India Jharkhand Party of Bagun Sumroi, Jharkhand Party of N.E. Horo, Hul Jharkhand Party of Justin Richard which further got fragmented and was called Bihar Progressive Hul Jharkhand Party led by Sibu Soren. Finally in 1973 Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was formed under the leadership of Sibu Soren. In 1986 All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) made its appearance on the political stage. In order to keep all these political parties in good humour, the Bihar Government brought out several Committees like Jharkhand Coordination Committee (JCC), a Committee on Jharkhand matters, Jharkhand Peoples Party (JPP) led by Dr. Ram Dayal Munda. All political parties carrying with themselves the name of Jharkhand gradually dwindled except the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha led by Sibu Soren.
Creation of a new Jharkhand State
In a historic move both the houses of Parliament passed the Bihar Reorganisation Bill – 2000 during the first week of August and the President gave his assent to it a few days later. With this the stage is all set for the formal beginning of the governance of the new Jharkhand state from the 15th of November 2000. This witnesses the fulfilment of the long cherished dream of the people of Chhotanagpur and Santhalparganas for a separate state of Jharkhand. The new state will comprise of 18 districts in Santalparganas and Chotanagpur. These districts are: Ranchi, Gumla, Lohardaga, Singhbhum East, Singhbhum West, Palamau, Garhwa, Hazaribagh, Chatra, Koderma, Bokaro, Dhanbad, Giridih, Deoghar, Godda, Dumka, Pakur and Sahibganj. There will be 81 assembly seats, 14 Lok Sabha seats and 6 Raj Sabha seats in the new state. Partywise break up in the new assembly is given below:
Total Strength : 81
(1) BJP : 32
(2) Samta + JD(U) : 8
(3) Congress : 11
(4) JMM(S) : 12
(5) RJD : 9
(6) Others : 9
Population Profile
As per the census of 1991, the total population of Bihar is 8,63,74,465. Out of this the total population of a new state will be about 3 crore. So the population ratio between the truncated state and the new state will be 65:35. The tribal population in the Jharkhand State will be about 54 lakh representing 27.8 per cent of the total population of the new state. The total area of the new state is 79,714 sq.km.
Tribals in the State
There are 30 tribes and sub tribes in the Jharkhand region. The major tribes being Santhals, Oraons, Mundas, Kharias, Hos, Cheros, Kherwars, Korwas, Bihores etc. Major dialects in the State are Santhali, Kurukh, Mundari, Kharia, Ho, Sadri, Chotanagpuri etc.
Enormous Natural Resources
Jharkhand is endowed abundantly with mineral resources like iron ore, coal, mica, uranium, bouxite copper, chromite, limestone, gold, aluminium, china clay, silica, dolomite etc. The Jharkhand state accounts for 37.5 per cent of India's coal reserves, 40 per cent of copper, 22 per cent of iron ore, 90 per cent of mica and huge deposits of other minerals.
Revenue profile
With the creation of Jharkhand the truncated Bihar will suffer an estimated revenue loss of Rs. 1500 crore annually as the major contributor to the State Exchequer, mines, minerals and a large chunk of commercial taxes will go to the newly formed state. Currently about 63 per cent of Bihar's total revenue comes from south and central Bihar. Against an estimated annual revenue collection of Rs. 4200 crore, the truncated Bihar will be able to collect only Rs. 1984 crore, however the Jharkhand state will begin business with a net revenue source of Rs. 2215 crore. The per capita revenue collection of the remaining Bihar will be far less than that of Jharkhand, as 65 per cent of the population of the undivided Bihar will remain with the residual state. All the 18 districts of the 55 districts that go to Jharkhand are sparsely populated because of their hilly terrains.
Bihar has been dependent on the mineral rich and industrially better developed region in the south for its sustenance.
The only silver lining for the residual state will be the enhanced share in central taxes which is decided on the basis of population ratio.
It is estimated that out of total Rs. 5200 crore received as a share of central taxes the residual state would get Rs. 3640 crore while Jharkhand state will have to remain content with Rs. 1560 crore. Thus the total revenue of the truncated Bihar would be Rs. 5625 crore while that of Jharkhand would be Rs. 3775 crore.
Since the major industries like Tisco, Telco, HEC, Bokaro Steel, Usha Martin, Bihar Alloys and other factories are located in the Jharkhand State, it will reap rich dividends from the commercial taxes and mines.
As far as the distribution of assets and liabilities are concerned, the residual Bihar will have to bear 70 per cent of the liabilities. The undivided state has an estimated debt of Rs. 14,825 crore. Since liabilities are to be shared on the basis of population, the truncated Bihar will have to bear a major chunk of this debt apart from other liabilities.
As all the viable power generating units at Patratu, Subernrekha and Tenughat are situated in Jharkhand, the truncated Bihar will lose Rs. 500 crore through power tariff.
Cadre Division
The division of cadre for Jharkhand state is 129 IAS, 87 IPS and 121 IFS officials out of the total cadre strength of 393 IAS, 250 IPS and 173 IFS officers.
The state reorganisation bill – 2000 proposes that the High Court at Patna shall become the High Court of Bihar, while Jharkhand will have a separate High Court at Ranchi.
State Capital
The Capital of Jharkhand will be Ranchi. It has Raj Bhawan and bungalows for ministers and the Chief Minister. The sprawling township of the Heavy Engineering Corporation, a large part of which is unoccupied, has been earmarked for setting up the Assembly house and a Central office complex.
Earlier, Ranchi was also the summer capital of Bihar. It has an airport with night-landing facilities and a daily commercial flight link to New Delhi.
Big and Heavy industries and companies
Some big and heavy industries and companies are given below:
- Heavy Engineering Corporation (HEC), Ranchi
- Bokaro Steel Plant, Bokaro
- Central Coal Fields Limited (CCL), Ranchi
- Central Mine Planning & Design Institute (CMPDI), Ranchi
- Indian Institute of Coal Management (IICM), Ranchi
- Metallurgical and Engineering Consultants (India) Limited, Ranchi
- Research and Development Centre for Iron and Steel (R&D SAIL), Ranchi
National Parks
- Betla National Park, Daltonganj
- Zoological Garden, Ormajhi, Ranchi
- Hazaribagh National Park, Hazaribagh
- Mahuadaur National Park, Ranchi
- Topchachi National Park, Topchachi, Dhanbad
Damodar River Projects
- Damodar Valley Project
- Tilaiya Dam Project
- Maithan Dam Project
- Panchet Dam Project
- Bal Hill Dam Project
- Subernrekha Hydroelectric Project
Universities in Jharkhand
- Ranchi University, Ranchi
- Birsa Agriculture University, Kanke, Ranchi
- Siddu Kanu University, Dumka
- Vinobha Bhave University, Hazaribagh
- Indian School of Mines, Dhanbad
- Hindi Vidhya Peeth, Deoghar
Medical Colleges
- Ranchi Medical College, Ranchi
- Medical College, Jamshedpur
Engineering College
- Regional Engineering College, Jamshedpur
- BIT, Meshra, Ranchi
- BIT, Sindri, Dhanbad.
……..
The movement for a separate state of Jharkhand is an odyssey spread over a century which is traced back to the early 1900s, when Jaipal Singh, an Indian Hockey captain and Olympian, suggested the idea of a separate state consisting of the southern districts of Bihar. The idea did not become a reality, however, until August 2, 2000, when the Parliament of India passed the Bihar Reorganization Bill to create the state of Jharkhand, carving 18 districts out of Bihar to form Jharkhand state on 15 November 2000. On that day it became the 28th state of India.
According to some historians, there was already a distinct geo-political, cultural entity called Jharkhand even before the period of Magadha Empire. Many scholars now believe that the language used by tribes in the state of Jharkhand is identical to the one used by Harappa people. This has led to a great interest in the deciphering of Harappa inscriptions using rock paintings and language used by these tribes. For a greater part of Vedic age, Jharkhand remained buried. During the age of Mahajanpadas around 500 BC, India saw the emergence of 16 large states that controlled the entire Indian subcontinent. In those days the northern portion of Jharkhand state was a tributary to Magadha (ancient Bihar) Empire and southern part was a tributary to Kalinga (ancient Orissa) Empire. According to legend, Raja Jai Singh Deo of Orissa had declared himself the ruler of Jharkhand in the 13th century.
The Singh Deo's of Orissa have been very instrumental in the early history of Jharkhand. The local tribal heads had developed into barbaric dictators who could govern the province neither fairly nor justly. Consequently, the people of this state approached the more powerful rulers of Jharkhand's neighboring states who were perceived to have a more fair and just governance. This became the turning point in the history of the region wherein rulers from Orissa moved in with their armies and created states that were governed for the benefit of the people and involved their participation, thus ending the barbarism that had marked the region for centuries. The good tribal rulers continued to thrive and were known as the Munda Rajas, and exist to this day. Later, during the Mughal period, the Jharkhand area was known as Kukara. After the year 1765, it came under the control of the British Empire and became formally known under its present title, "Jharkhand" - the Land of "Jungles" (forests) and "Jharis" (bushes).
The colonization of Jharkhand has to mentioned in Jharkhand history. Colonization by the British East India Company resulted in spontaneous resistance from the local people. Almost one hundred years before India's First War of Independence (1857), adivasis of Jharkhand were already beginning what would become a series of repeated revolts against the British colonial rule. All of these uprisings were quelled by the British through massive deployment of troops across the region.
Roll of Birsa Munda in Jharkhand History
Birsa Munda from 1875 to 1900 and Sidho and Kanho are the legendary heroes of the tribal of Jharkhand state who fought against the oppressive rule of the British government. The Birsa Munda movement of 1985-1900 was the most important among early uprisings against exploitation of the original inhabitants by non-tribal landowners and money lenders. Birsa Munda fought for the tribal natural right over forests and land that was mercilessly being acquired by the British for exploitation. After a long fight, Birsa Munda was captured by the British authorities and died in prison. In 1914 the Tana Bhagat resistance movement started which gained the participation of more than 26,000 adivasis, and eventually merged with Mahatma Gandhi's Satyagraha and Civil Disobedience movement. A landmark in the movement was the formation of the Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj in 1915, which acquired political overtones with the demand for a sub-state for the adivasis. The demand was, however, turned down by the Simon commission.
Roll of Adivasi Mahasabha in Jharkhand history
The next important step was the formation of the Adivasi Mahasabha, which saw non-tribal coming out openly in support of the movement for the creation of a separate state. Among those who spearheaded the Jharkhand movement was Jaipal Singh, an Oxford - returned tribal Christian who helped the regional aspiration gain national recognition.
The Adivasi Mahasaba was rechristened the Jharkhand party here in 1949 under the leadership of Jaipal Singh. It was with the emergence of this party that the Jharkhand movement became purely political. The Jharkhand party became the largest opposition party in the Bihar Assembly winning all the 32 seats from south Bihar and giving fresh impetus to the government for a separate state. Considering its growing strength, the Congress started efforts for engineering a split in the Jharkhand Party. As a consequence, Jaipal Singh fell into its trap and joined the Congress with his followers in 1963. N. E. Horo, a close associate of Jaipal Singh, however, refused to join the Congress and kept the Jharkhand flag flying. But the loss of the Jharkhand Party veterans, who joined the Congress, proved too much for the pro-statehood forces whose strength steadily eroded in successive elections since 1969.
Roll of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha in Jharkhand history
The movement again received a shot in the arm with the emergence of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha in 1972. The growing strength of the JMM was reflected in the Lok Saba and Assembly elections and the demand for a statehood for the first time shook the corridors of power with the then prime minister of India Mr. Rajiv Gandhi setting up a Committee on Jharkhand Matters(CoJM). In the light of the recommendations by the CoJM, prolonged negotiations between the Centre, the Bihar government and the movement leaders led to the setting up of the Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) in August 1995. It was hailed as a major step towards the creation of Jharkhand.
Buckling under pressure from the JMM members, with whose support the RJD had a majority in the state Assembly, the Bihar government on July 22, 1997, adopted a resolution for the creation of a separate state. In 1998, however, RJD leader Mr. Lalu Prasad Yadav reversed his stand on Jharkhand statehood. The JMM reacted sharply, withdrawing its support to the RJD government.
After the last Assembly election in the state threw up a hung Assembly, RJD's dependence on the Congress extended support on the precondition that RJD will not pose a hurdle to the passage of the Bihar reorganization Bill (Jharkhand Bill). Finally, with the support from both RJD and Congress, the ruling coalition at the Centre led by the BJP which has made statehood its mail poll plank in the region in successive polls earlier, cleared the Jharkhand Bill in the monsoon session of the Parliament this year, thus paving the way for the creation of a separate Jharkhand state.
| *1765 | Successful military mobilization to bring Santhal Pargana under British rule. |
|---|---|
| *1772-80 | Paharia revolt. |
| *1780-85 | Tilka Manjhi led the tribal revolt and managed to injure British army chief. |
| *1785 | Tilka Manjhi hanged to death in Bhagalpur. |
| *1795-1800 | Tamar revolt. |
| *1795-1800 | Munda revolt under the leadership of Vishnu Manaki. |
| *1798 | Chaur revolt in Birbhum Bankura. |
| *1798-99 | Bhoomij revolt of Manbhoom. |
| *1800-02 | Munda revolt under the stewardship of Dukhan Manaki of Tamar. |
| *1819-20 | Munda revolt in Palamu under the leadeship of Bhukan Singh. |
| *1832-33 | Khewar revolt under the leadership of Bhagirath, Dubai Gosai and Patel Singh. |
| *1833-34 | Bhumij revolt under the leadership of Ganga narain of Birbum. |
| *1855 | Santhals waged war against the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis. |
| *1855-60 | During late 1850's Sidhu had accumulated about Ten Thousands Santhals to run parallel govt. against British rule. This movement remained very active in Kahalgaon and Raniganj. |
| *1856 | Police brigade was constituted. |
| *1856-57 | Martyr Sahid Lal, Vishwanath Shahdeo, Sheikh Bhikhari, Ganptrai and Budhu Veer led a movement against the British govt. in the sepoy mutiny. |
| *1874-99 | Birsa movement. |
| *1874 | Kherwar movement shot into fame under the leadership of Bhagirathi manjhi. |
| *1881 | Kherwar movement started. |
| *1895-1900 | Launching of ULGLAN under the leadership of Birsa. |
| *1912 | Bihar bifurcated from Bengal and some parts of Chotanagpur merged into Bengal. |
| *1913 | Constitution of Chotnagpur unati samaj. |
| *1914 | Tana Bhajgat movement started which had the participation of more than 26000 tribals. |
| *1915 | Publication of Adivasi titled magazine started. |
| *1929 | Simon commission presented with a memorandum which demanded the information of Jharkhand state. |
| *1936 | Orissa was created as a separate state. |
| *1947 | On Dec. 28 All India Jharkhand Party came into inception. |
| *1951 | Jharkhand party was elected to Vidhan Sabha as a main opposition party. |
| *1969 | Shibu Soren founded the Sonat Santahl Samaj. |
| *1971 | A.K.Roy founded the Marxist M.C.C to demand the separate Jharkhand state. |
| *1973 | N.E.Horo named his party as Jharkhand Party and on March 12th he presented the then Prime Minister a memorandum for separate Jharkhand state. |
| *1977 | Jharkhand party proposed for separate Jharkhand state which included not only Chotanagpur and Santhal Pargana of Bihar but adjoining area of Bengal. |
| *1978 | The convention of All India Jharkhand Party was held on May 21. |
| *1980 | Establishment of Jharkhand Kranti Dal. |
| *1986 | September 25, All Jharkhand Students Union gave its first call for Jharkhand bandh , it was a huge success. |
| *1987 | Call for boycott of Independence day. The home minister of India directed the bihar government to prepare a report of all districts of Chotnagpur and Santhal Pargana. |
| *1989 | 72 hours of economic blockade by AJSU was total success. |
| *1989 | 6 days of economic blockade by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was success. |
| *1994 | On Jan 6 Lalu Prasad Yadav declared in Ranchi that Jharkhand development autonomous council bill will be passed in budget session. |
| *1995 | Jharkhand area autonomous council was formed which comprised of 18 districts of Santhal Pargana and Chotnagpur and Shibu Soren was nominated as the Chairman. |
| *1997 | In June, Bihar government sanctioned 24 Crores for conducting the elections of Jharkhand Autonomous Council. |
| *1997 | In July, Shibu Soren offered support to minority government of Lalu Prasad Yadav with a condition of a separate Jharkhand bill in the assembly. |
| *2000 | On August 2, The bill to create a separate state of Jharkhand to be carved out of Bihar was passed in Lok Saba. |
| *2000 | On August 11, Parliament approved the formation of Jharkhand when the Rajya Sabha passed the Bihar reorganization bill to carve out a new state out of Bihar's northern region. |
| *2000 | On August 25, President Mr. K.R. Narayanan approved the Bihar reorganization bill 2000. |
| *2000 | On October 12, The center has issued the gazette notification showing November 15 as the appointed date for the formation of new Jharkhand Government. |
Jharkhand
| Jharkhand | ||
|---|---|---|
| State | ||
| ||
 | ||
 | ||
Coordinates (Ranchi Patna):  23.35°N 85.33°ECoordinates: 23.35°N 85.33°E | ||
| Country |  India | |
| Established | 15 November 2000 | |
| Capital | Ranchi | |
| Largest city | Jamshedpur | |
| Government | ||
| • Governor | Syed Ahmed | |
| • Chief Minister | Hemant Soren (JMM) | |
| • Legislature | Unicameral (82 seats) | |
| • 14th Lok Sabha+ Rajya Sabha | 14+6 | |
| Area | ||
| • Total | 79,714 km2 (30,778 sq mi) | |
| Area rank | 15th | |
| Population (2011) | ||
| • Total | 32,988,134 | |
| • Rank | 13th | |
| • Density | 414/km2 (1,070/sq mi) | |
| Time zone | IST (UTC+05:30) | |
| ISO 3166 code | IN-JH | |
| HDI |  0.513 (medium) | |
| HDI rank | 24th (2005) | |
| Literacy | 67.6% (25th) | |
| Official languages | Hindi, Santhali, Mundari,Bengali, HO, Kurukh,[1] | |
| Website | http://www.jharkhand.gov.in/ | |
Jharkhand (Jhārkhaṇḍ, pronounced [ˈdʒʱaːrkʰəɳɖ] (
listen);Hindi: झारखंड) is a state in eastern India. It was carved out of the southern part of Bihar on 15 November 2000.[2] Jharkhand shares its border with the states of Bihar to the north, Uttar Pradesh and Chhattisgarh to the west, Odisha to the south, and West Bengal to the east. It has an area of 30,778 sq mi (79,710 km2). The industrial city of Ranchi is its capital and Dumka is sub capital while Jamshedpur is the largest and the biggest industrial city of the state. Some of the other major cities and industrial centres areDhanbad, Bokaro and Hazaribagh.
The name "Jharkhand" means "The Land of Forests".[3]
Jharkhand accounts for 40% of the mineral resources of India. Ranchi accounts for 50% mineral production of the state, nearing about 18% of nation's mineral production.
Contents
[hide]History[edit]
According to some writers like Gautam Kumar Bera,[4] there was already a distinct geo-political, cultural entity called Jharkhand even before the period of MagadhaEmpire. Bera's book (page 33) also refers to the Hindu Mythological book Bhavishya Purana. The tribal rulers, some of whom continue to thrive till today were known as the Munda Rajas,[5][6] who basically had ownership rights to large farmlands.[7]During the Mughal period, the Jharkhand area was known as Kukara.
British rule[edit]
After the year 1765, it came under the control of the British Empire and became formally known under its present title, "Jharkhand"—(jaher-khond) jaher- worship place of kherwar (munda,santal,ho etc.) and khond- area. Some interpret meaning of Jharkhand as the Land of "Jungles" (forests) and "Jharis" (bushes). Located onChhota Nagpur Plateau and Santhal Parganas, the place has evergreen forests, rolling hills and rocky plateaus with many places of keen beauty like Lodh Falls.
The subjugation and colonisation of Jharkhand region by the British East India Company resulted in spontaneous resistance from the local people. Almost one hundred years before Indian Rebellion of 1857, adivasis of Jharkhand were already beginning what would become a series of repeated revolts against the British colonial rule:
The period of revolts of the Adivasis to protect their Jharkhand land took place from 1771 to 1900 AD. The first ever revolt against the landlords and the British government was led by Tilka Manjhi,[8] a Santhal leader in Santal tribal belt in 1771. He wanted to liberate his people from the clutches of the unscrupulous landlords and restore the lands of their ancestors. The British government sent its troops and crushed the uprisings of Tilka Manjhi. Soon after in 1779, the Bhumij tribes rose in arms against the British rule in Manbhum, now in West Bengal. This was followed by the Chero tribes unrest in Palamau. They revolted against the British rule in 1800 AD. Hardly seven years later in 1807, the Oraons in Barway murdered their big landlord of Srinagar west of Gumla. Soon the uprisings spread around Gumla. The tribal uprisings spread eastward to neighbouring Tamar areas of the Munda tribes. They too rose in revolt in 1811 and 1813. The Hos in Singhbhum were growing restless and came out in open revolt in 1820 and fought against the landlords and the British troops for two years. This is called the Lakra Kol Risings 1820–1821. Then came the great Kol Risings of 1832. This was the first biggest tribal revolt that greatly upset the British administration in Jharkhand. It was caused by an attempt by the Zamindars to oust the tribal peasants from their hereditary possessions. The Santhal rebellion broke out in 1855 under the leadership of two brothers Sidhu and Kanhu. They fought bitterly against the British troops but finally they too were crashed down. Other notable Adivasi warriors are Jabra Paharia, Veer Budhu Bhagat, Poto Sardar, Telenga Kharia, Phulo-Jhano, Manki Munda, Gaya Munda.
Then Birsa Munda revolt,[9] broke out in 1895 and lasted till 1900. The revolt though mainly concentrated in the Munda belt of Khunti, Tamar, Sarwada and Bandgaon, pulled its supporters from Oraon belt of Lohardaga, Sisai and even Barway. It was the longest and the greatest tribal revolt.[10] It was also the last tribal revolt in Jharkhand. All of these uprisings were quelled by the British through massive deployment of troops across the region.
British Government faced a lot of tribal revolt in Chhota Nagpur Division. Wherever resistance to British rule existed they tried to divide them. The policy of "Divide and rule" was made effective by Lord Curzon, when he was Governor General of India. He carried out Partition of Bengal in 1905, when the Princely states of Gangpur and Bonai of Chota Nagpur States were transferred from the control of Commissioner of Chhota Nagpur Division to Odisha division and Princely states of Jashpur, Surguja, Udaipur, Chang Bhakar and Koriyawere transferred from Chhota Nagpur Division to Chhattisgarh Division of Central Provinces, leading to shrinkage of Chhota Nagpur Division. Due to popular resistance to Partition of Bengal, the two Bengals were united in 1912 by Governor General Harding and the province of Bihar—Odisha was created by taking out of Bengal the Bihar division, Chhota Nagpur Division and Odisha division. During this creation Midnapur, Purulia and Bankura remained with Bengal. Thus, whenever there was reorganisation of Provinces, Chhota Nagpur Division lost some area. Thus during British rule, tribal areas, although geographically continuous, were put under different administrations. As a result of this, when India gained independence in 1947 and after the Princely states acceded to Government of India in 1948, the Princely states of magadha were put under Odisha province, Princely states of Jashpur, Surguja, Udaipur, Chang Bhakar and Koriya were put under Madhya Pradesh and Midnapur, Purulia and Bankura were put under West Bengal. Princely states of Gangpur and Bonai were combined together to form Sundergarh District. Princely states of Koriya and Chang bhakar were combined together to form Koriya district and Udaipur was included in Raigarh District.
The 20th century Jharkhand movement may also be seen as moderate movement as compared to the bloody revolts of the 19th century. Having the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 to protect their lands, the tribal leaders now turned to socio-economic development of the people. In 1914 Jatra Oraon started what is called the Tana Movement. Later this movement joined the Satyagrah Movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 and stopped giving land tax to the Government. In 1915 the Chhotanagpur Unnati Samaj was started for the socio-economic development of the tribals. This organisation had also political objectives in mind. When the Simon Commission came to Patna in 1928, the Chhotanagpur Unnati Samaj sent its delegation and placed its demand for a separate Jharkhand State for self-rule by the tribals. The Simon Commission however did not accede to the demand for a separate Jharkhand State. Thereafter Theble Oraon organised Kishan Sabha in 1931. In 1935 the Chhotanagpur Unnati Samaj and the Kishan Sabha were merged with a view to acquire political power.
Jharkhand Movement: post-Indian independence[edit]
For almost six decades the movement had been changing colour and strategy to gain a foothold. Gradually, the Jharkhand Party grew politically stronger but the commissions examining the demands for a separate Jharkhand State rejected it one after another. In August 1947 the Thakkar Commission rejected it saying that it would not be beneficial for the Adivasis. In 1948 Dar Commission also examined the demand for a separate Jharkhand state but rejected it on linguistic grounds. Despite these reports of these commissions going negative in nature, Jharkhand Party never lost sight of its ultimate target: a separate state of Jharkhand. Jharkhand Party contested the 1952 elections with a declared aim of strengthening the demand of a tribal homeland and won 32 seats in the Bihar Assembly. In the second General Election in 1957, too, Jharkhand Party won 32 seats and for two terms the party remained the leading opposition party. In 1955 the Report of the State Reorganisation Commission came out. Here, too, the demand for a separate Jharkhand state was rejected. In the third general election in 1962 the party could win only 23 seats in the Bihar Assembly. Personal interests of the Jharkhand leaders started playing upper hands. The following year Jharkhand Party aligned with Congress and Jaipal Singh became a minister in Vinodanand Jha's government in Bihar. With this, the demand for the Tribal Homeland was put into cold storage for nearly a decade.
In the 4th General Election held in 1967 the party had a very poor show. It could win only eight Assembly seats. The party was soon split into several splinter groups each claiming to be the genuine Jharkhand party. These were the All India Jharkhand Party led by Bagun Sumroi, the Jharkhand Party led by N.E. Horo, the Hul Jharkhand Party led by Justin Richard which got further fragmented and came to be called the Bihar Progressive Hul Jharkhand Party and it was led by Shibu Soren. The movement was infused with a new radicalism when Santhal leader Shibu Soren formed the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) in league with the Marxist co-ordination Committee in 1972. In its early years, the JMM under Soren's leadership, brought industrial and mining workers mainly non-tribals belonging to Dalit and Backward communities such as Surdis, Doms, Dusadh and Kurmi-Mahtos, into its fold. However Soren's association with the late congress M.P. Gyanranjan brought him close to then prime minister of India, Indira Gandhi, in New Delhi. He won the Dumka Lok Sabha seat in 1972. Irked by Soren's association with the Congress, a few of the younger members of the JMM banded together in Jamshedpur and set up the All Jharkhand Students' Union (AJSU). This did nothing to stunt the growth of the JMM in the 1991 Lok Sabha election where the JMM won six seats.
That year saw the emergence of another foreign educated scholar, Ram Dayal Munda, who reignited the movement by unifying splinter groups among the tribals. Under his guidance the Jharkahnd Coordination Committee was constituted in June 1987, comprising 48 organisations and group including the JMM factions. Due to Munda, Soren, Mandal and AJSU leaders like Surya Singh Besra and Prabhakar Tirkey briefly shared a political platform. But the JMM pulled out of JCC as it felt that 'the collective leadership was a farce'. The JMM/AJSU and JPP successfully orchestrated bandhs, economic blockades in 1988–89. In the interim, BJP came out with its demand for a separate "Vananchal" state comprising 18 districts of Bihar, arguing that demand for a greater Jharkhand is "not practical".
In response, Buta Singh, the then home minister, asked Ram Dayal Munda, the then Ranchi University vice chancellor, to prepare a report on Jharkhand. Munda handed his report in September 1988, advising the Home Ministry to grant 'autonomy' to 'Greater Jharkhand'. In August 1989, the Union Home Ministry formed a committee on Jharkhand Matters (CoJM) to look into the issue. These were followed by further talks between the then Bihar Chief Minister, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, the central government and Jharkhand groups. In September 1989 the COJM submitted its report proposing the alternatives to the formation of a greater Jharkhand, a Union Territory or a Jharkhand general council. In 1995 the Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council (JAAC) was set up after a tripartite agreement was signed by the Union government represented by the then minister of state for home, Rajesh Pilot, the Bihar government represented by the chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav and Jharkhand leaders like Soren, Munda, Mandal, Besra and Tirkey. Horo did not sign this agreement. He dubbed the JAAC as the 'fraud' and stuck to his demand for Tribal Homeland. So did the AJSU and JPP.
Jharkhand—a separate state[edit]
Jharkhand state was formed on 15 November 2000 after almost half a century of people's movements to evolve a Jharkhandi identity, which disadvantaged societal groups articulated to augment political resources and influence the policy process in their favour. It is the 28th state of India. The Jharkhandi identity and the demand for autonomy was not premised solely on the uniqueness of its tribal cultural heritage but was essentially a fallout of the failure of development policy to intervene in socio-economic conditions of the adivasis and non-adivasis in the region.
The dynamics of resources and the politics of development still influence the socio-economic structures in Jharkhand, which was carved out of the relatively under developed southern part of Bihar. According to the 1991 census, the state has a population of over 20 million out of which 28% is tribal while 12 of the people belong to scheduled castes. Jharkhand has 24 districts, 260 blocks and 32,620 villages out of which only 45% are electrified while only 8,484 are connected by roads. Jharkhand is the leading producer of mineral wealth in the country after Chattisgarh state, endowed as it is with vast variety of minerals like iron ore, coal, copper ore, mica, bauxite, graphite, limestone, and uranium. Jharkhand is also known for its vast forest resources.
Geography and climate[edit]
Geography[edit]
Most of the state lies on the Chota Nagpur Plateau, which is the source of the Koel, Damodar, Brahmani, Kharkai, and Subarnarekharivers, whose upper watersheds lie within Jharkhand. Much of the state is still covered by forest. Forest preserves support populations oftigers and Asian Elephants.
River|Subarnarekha]] rivers, whose upper waharkai]], and Subarnarnd Asian Elephants.
Soil content of Jharkhand state mainly consist of soil formed from disintegration of rocks and stones, and soil composition is further divided into:
- Red soil, found mostly in the Damodar valley, and Rajmahal area
- Micacious soil (containing particles of mica), found in Koderma, Jhumri Telaiya,Barkagaon, and areas around the Mandar hill
- Sandy soil, generally found in Hazaribagh and Dhanbad
- Black soil, found in Rajmahal area
- Laterite soil, found in western part of Ranchi, Palamu,Dumka and parts of Santhal Parganas and Singhbhum
Climate[edit]
There are three well-defined seasons in Jharkhand. The cold-weather season, from November to February, is the most pleasant part of the year. Lowest temperature in Jharkhand lies between -5°C to 0°C. High temperatures in Ranchi in December usually rise from about 50 °F (10 °C) into the low 70s F (low 20s C) daily. The hot-weather season lasts from March to mid-June. May, the hottest month, is characterized by daily high temperatures in the upper 90s F (about 37 °C) and low temperatures in the mid-70s F (mid-20s C). Maximum rainfall takes place during the months from July to September that accounts for more than 90% of total rainfall in the state.
Flora and fauna[edit]
| Formation day | 15 November (Day of separation from Bihar) | |
| State animal | Elephant[11] | .jpg){kind=small} |
| State bird | Koel |  |
| State tree | Sal[11] | -_flowering_canopy_W_Picture_117.jpg){kind=small} |
| State flower | Palash[11] |  |
Jharkhand has a rich variety of flora and fauna. The National Parks and the Zoological Gardens located in the state of Jharkhand present a panorama of this variety.
Betla National Park in the Latehar district, located 8 km away from Barwadih, covers an area of about 250 square kilometres (97 sq mi). The national park has a large variety of wildlife, includingtigers, elephants, bisons (which are locally known as gaurs), sambhars, wild boar, and pythons(up to 20 feet (6.1 m) long), spotted deer(chitals), rabbits and foxes. The mammalian fauna to be seen at Betla National Park also include langurs, rhesus monkeys, blue bulls and wild boars. The lesser mammals are the porcupines, hares, wild cats, honey badgers, Malabar giant squirrels, mongooses, wolves, antelopes etc. In 1974, the park was declared a Project TigerReserve.
Part of the reason for the variety and diversity of flora and fauna found in Jharkhand state may be accredited to the Palamau Tiger Reserves under the Project Tiger. This reserve is abode to hundreds of species of flora and fauna,[12] as indicated within brackets: mammals (39), snakes (8), lizards (4), fish (6), insects (21), birds (170), seed bearing plants and trees (97), shrubs and herbs (46), climbers, parasites and semi-parasites (25), and grasses and bamboos (17).
The Hazaribag Wildlife Sanctuary, with scenic beauties, 135 kilometres (84 mi) away from Ranchi, is set in an ecosystem very similar to Betla National Park of Palamu.
Jawaharlal Nehru Biological Park in Bokaro Steel City is the largest Zoological Garden in Jharkhand. It has many animal and bird species, spread over 200 acres (0.81 km2), including an artificial waterpark with boating facilities. Another zoo, Birsa Munda Jaiwik Udyan, is also located about 16 km from Ranchi, and a number of mammalian fauna have been collected there for visitors.
Demography[edit]
| [show]Population Growth |
|---|
Jharkhand has a population of 32.96 million, consisting of 16.93 million males and 16.03 million females. The sex ratio is 947 females to 1000 males. The population consists of 28% tribal peoples, 12% Scheduled Castes and 60% others. The population density of the state is 414 persons per square kilometre of land; it varies from as low as 148 per square kilometre in Gumla district to as high as 1167 per square kilometre in Dhanbad district.
| Religion in Jharkhand | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Religion | Percent | |||
| Hinduism | 68.5% | |||
| Islam | 13.8% | |||
| Sarna | 13% | |||
| Christians | 4.1% | |||
| Jainism , Buddhism and Sikhism | 1% | |||
| Distribution of religions | ||||
As per the 2001 census Hinduism is followed by 68.5% of the population of Jharkhand.Islam is followed by 13.8% of the population and Animisitic Sarna religion is practised by 13% of the population. Christianity with 4.1% of the population is the fourth largest religious community in Jharkhand.Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism are all practiced making few less than 1%.
Census data since 1881 has shown a gradual decline of tribal population in Jharkhand as against the gradual increase of non-tribal population in the region. The reasons given for this are low birth rate and high death rate among the tribes; immigration of non-tribal peoples in the region; emigration of tribal peoples in the other places; and the adverse effects of industrialisation and urbanisation in the region. Tribal leaders assert, however, that their numbers are not as low as recorded by the census that they are still in the majority and that they remain a demographic force to reckon with.
Few centuries ago, the Jharkhand was extensively covered with the dense sal Jharkhand terrain had always been inaccessible. But with the discovery of its hidden mineral wealth has led to Jharkhand marching towards becoming one of the leading industrialized regions of India. On the one hand, the mine-fields, railways and roadways have gone ahead rapidly, educational and technical institutions have multiplied and the principal towns have become cosmopolitan; while on the other hand, the tribal people of the region have been deprived of their land and the process of indiscriminate exploitation has set in, creating racial, nutritional, cultural and socio-economic problems.
From the first regular Indian census of 1872, tribal denominations of the population have been regularly recorded in some form or the other. The Schedules tribes have been last notified under the Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs Notification issued under Article 341 (i) and 342 (ii) of the constitution in 1956.
During the first census of 1872 the following 18 tribal communities were listed as the Aboriginal Tribes: (1) Asur, (2) Binjhia, (3) Gond, (4) Ho, (5) Kharia, (6) Kharwar, (7) Khond, (8) Kisan, (9) Korwa, (10) Mal Paharia, (11) Munda, (12) Oraon, (13) Santhal, (14) Sauria Paharia, (15) Savar, (16) Bhumij, (17) Birhor Chero.
Later 4 Tribes were classified as semi-Hinduized aboriginals, viz., (1) Banjara, (2) Bathundi, (3) Chik Baraik and (4) Mahli. As of now the following 30 communities of Jharkhand are listed as the Scheduled Tribes as per details in the state government's website.
Primitives Tribes: Asur, Birhor, Birajia, Korba, Mal Paharia, Sauriya Paharia, Sabar, Hill Kharia and Parahiya.
Other Tribes: Biga, Banjara, Bathudi, Bedia, Bhumij, Binjhia, Chero, Chik Baraik, Gond, Gorait, Ho, Karmali, Khadia, Kharwar, Khond, Kisan, Kora, Lohra, Mahali, Munda, Oraon and Santhal.
Santhal[edit]
The Santhals are the largest of the Schedule Tribes and are mostly found in the district of Santhal Parganas,which has been named after them. They primarily reside in the cities of Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad, Ranchi, and Palamau. Santhals are numerically the largest tribal group of India, speaking its own tongue-Santali, which is allied to the Mundari language. Racially and culturally Santhals are closely related to other Mundari or Austric tribe of Chotanagpur. Besides agriculture and hunting, they are famous for their skillful dances and the music. The Santhal women give sufficient proof of the aesthetic sense by drawing simple and artistic designs and patterns on the walls of their huts. The Santhals have the institution of 'Bithala', which is a form of severe punishment including excommunication.
Oraon[edit]
The Oraons are a Dravidians tribe (Roy 1915) and form a second major tribe next to Santhals in Jharkhand. They live in the districts of the Ranchi, Palamau, Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Santhal Parganas, and also in the neighbouring states. According to the tradition, Konkan is said to be the original home of the Oraon. They migrated from the West coast of India to North India through river valleys, and settled down as agriculturists and landowners in the Shahabad districts of Bihar. When further driven by the successive hordes of newer races, they took shelter on the Rohtas Plateau, which they fortified, but even this fortress they had to leave. It is said that the Cheros probably drove them out. When they left Rohtas the Oraons got divided into two groups. One branch, known as 'Male', proceeded under a chief northwards along the Ganges valley and eventually occupied the Rajmahal hills. The other branch under the chief's younger brother marched southeastwards up to the north Koel river and settled down in Palamau and northwest of Ranchi districts, then occupied by the Mundas. The Mundas gradually retreated to the southern and eastern part of the plateau. The most important social institution of the Oraon is the 'Dhumkuria', the youth Dormitory.
Munda people[edit]
Numerically the Mundas are one of the strongest Kolarian tribe (Roy, 1912) inhabitting Chotanagpur. Of all the tribes taken together, they stand next in strength to the Santhals and the Oraons. Munda people speak Mundari. The main concentration of the Mundas, primarily an agriculturist tribe, is in the district of Ranchi, Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Palamau, Dhanbad, and Santhal Parganas. Ethnically they are Proto-Austroids and speak the Mundari dialect of the austro-Asiatic family (Prasad 1961). Mostly Munda people follow the Sarna religion, believing in a god called Singbonga. However one-fourth of them have adopted Christianity. The Akhra or the dancing ground is characteristic of the Mundas. It is veritable open hall, not only for the dance, but also for the meetings of the village panchayats (the parha). The agriculture makes the base of their economic life and hence all their activities are directed towards it throughout the year. The sub-tribes are probably the result of inter-tribe marriages with the neighbouring tribes. A Munda may not marry a woman of his own sect. Totems have very great value and restrictions are respected.
Ho[edit]
The Hos constitute one of the major constituents of the tribal population but unlike the more numerous tribes, they are almost exclusively confined to the district of Singhbhum. They say that they are of the same family as the Mundas and came from Chotaa Nagpur. They are chiefly concentrated in Kolhan (Singhbhum). Like Mundas, the Hos believe in Sing-Bonga as the Supreme Being and creator of the Universe. The Hos are in the rapid transition process and their predominantly agricultural economy is being replaced by the industrial economy
Kharia[edit]
A primitive Kolarian tribe (Russell and Hira Lal 1916), the Kharias are divided into three sub-tribes, namely the Hill, Dudh and Dhelki Kharias.So far as their manners and customs are concerned, they are three separate and distinct branches of the Kharia tribe. Marriage among them does not take place. The Hill Kharias are a most primitive community, depending upon forest resources such as collection of honey, edible roots, herbs and fruits. The other sections of the Kharias have taken to plough cultivation and are economically better off than the Hill Kharias. They are distributed in the districts of Ranchi, Singhbhum, Santhal Parganas, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad, and Palamau. The language spoken by them is known as Kharia, which is a branch of Munda family of languages.
Bhumij[edit]
The Bhumij tribe inhabits a plain on Chotanagpur plateau encircled on three sides by the Singhbhum hills, hill ranges of Lohardaga, Hazaribagh and Manbhum; and a hill range whose highest peak is known as Ajodhya.
They are primarily agriculturists. Risley (1891) believes that they are nothing more than a branch of the Mundas who have spread eastwards and speak a corrupt mixture of Oriya and Bengalis as well as Hindi. They dwell in the districts of Singhbhum, Santhal Parganas, Ranchi, Dhanbad and Hazaribagh. They also live on the banks of the river Swarnrekha.
Factors in population change[edit]
Industralization and urbanisation were other factors for rapid demographic change in Chhotanagpur (the present Jharkhand state) between 1881 and 1951. Immigration of labourers from Gaya, Munger, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh for the mining of mica in Koderma and Giridih and coal in Dhanbad and Jharia was seen to the extent of 12% and 38.6% respectively in the early decades of 20th century. Similarly as many as 50% of the unskilled labourers and the majority of the skilled labourers came from north Bihar,Odisha, West Bengal, Bombay and Uttar Pradesh to work at the iron and steel industries of Jamshedpur. Along with the immigration of majority Indian people to Jharkhand, there also started the emigration of tribal peoples to the tea plantations in Assam and West Bengal.
The demographic changes continued in Jharkhand more rapidly after independence, ironically through the very process of planned development in the country. Central water commission's report in 1994 reveals that 90 major dams were built in Jharkhand since 1951. Apart from these major dams, 400 medium size dams and 11,878 minor dams were built in the region. There are 79 major industries and factories in the region. These development projects benefited mainly those belonging to the formal economy but deprived tribal communities, especially those belonging to informal economy and dependent on the natural resources for a livelihood. About three million people were displaced and affected by development projects like dams, industries, mines, wildlife sanctuaries, defence establishments, airstrips, housing colonies and infrastructural development like roads and railways. About 90% of the displaced were part of tribal communities.
Religion[edit]
Most members of the scheduled tribes of Jharkhand follow the animistic Sarna religion. Sarna is the Santali and Mundari word for 'Sacred Grove'. Sarna involves belief in a great spirit called the Sing Bonga. Tribal belief holds the world to be inhabited by numerous spiritual beings of different kinds. Tribal communities consider themselves as living and doing everything in close association with these spirits. Rituals are performed under the groves of Sal trees called Sarna (also called Jaher), where Bonga is believed to appear or express himself.
Santhal, Munda, Ho, Oraon and many other tribes strongly believe in one God, the Supreme Being, the Great Spirit, the Great One, the Creator, the Mighty Spirit, the one who rules over the entire universe.Oraons call this great spirit " Dharmesh" whereas Santhal,Munda and Ho tribes call him "Singbonga" . Oraons strongly believe in Lord Dharmesh's appearance in Sal trees.
Oraon belief and rituals
According to Oraon's philosophy, the lord Dharmesh is the most powerful and most important deity. He is responsible for the creation of our universe including our ancestors besides acting as our protector. In fact the whole world (Universe) is regulated by a superpower that is Dharmesh in Kurukh which simply means the almighty, he is also called Mahaedeo. The great one Dharmesh's purity demands that he be offered sacrifices only of things that are white. Hence he is given sacrifices of white goats, white fowls, white gulainchi flowers, white cloth, sugar, milk, etc. White is the sacred colour of Oraon tribe, in fact it is true for most adivasis.
Among the many important deities, the Chala-pacho Devi (Sarna Devi) is among the most important and most respected deity. The Gram Devi Chala-Pachho is a caring Old age lady with beautifully flowing white hair. It is believed that the Sal tree is the holy abode of the Sarna Devi, the mother goddess that protects and nurtures the Oraon tribe and others. On the occasion of Sarhul festival, the Pahan conducts special puja of the Devi. According to Sarna Dharam, the Devi lives in the wooden soop of Pahan kept at Chala-Kutti place, the auspicious place at Pahan's home. At Kutti place, one stick made up of Saal wood or Bamboo Wood is fixed on the ground, on this respected wooden soop called Sarna-Soop, the Sarna-Devi resides.
Oraons perform rituals under the Sal trees at a place called 'Sarna Sthal', it is also known as 'Jaher' (sacred grove); it resembles a small forest patch. In Oraons' villages, one can easily find the sacred religious place the 'Sarna Sthal' that has holy Sal trees and other trees planted at the site. Sometimes the Jaher are located inside the nearby forest area and not in the village.
This Sarna Sthal (Jaher) is a common religious place for the whole village and almost all the important socio-religious ceremonies of the village take place at this place only. These ceremonies are performed by the whole village community at a public gathering with the active participation of village priests known as 'Pahan'. The chief assistant of village priest is called 'Pujaar' or 'Panbhara'.
The Sarna people do not have a written code of moral law. Their idea of right and wrong comes from their tradition.
Tradition is their measure of truth. Their way to salvation is the tribe. Oraon tribe is primarily skilled agriculturists, most of the prayers revolved around getting good harvest and well being of their domestic animals. Thus the round of rituals connected with the agricultural cycle, along with life-cycle rituals for birth, marriage and death, it involves offering prayers to the spirits and to the deceased ancestors, with the active assistance of the Pahan.
It is true that the Oraons believe that their lives are greatly influenced by the natural surroundings, gods-goddesses, supernatural forces, spirits and many unknown and mysterious forces, including the souls of their deceased ancestors, who look after their tribe's interests. Surrounded by the natural world, it is instinctive for adivasi to name their benevolent gods and goddesses on the forests, hills, sun, water, rains, fires, light, etc. The gods and goddess are independent of the material world but he has dominion over the entire universe. They are omniscient, omnipresent, eternal, and compassionate; they always try to help out the humanity. The religion of Oraon is based on their belief in nature and its supernatural power. They have Nature Deities and the Spirits, both divided into broad categories of Benevolent and Malevolent. According to the belief of the Oraon community, the world is inhabited by numerous spiritual beings of different kind; and the Oraons consider themselves as living and doing everything in close association with these supernatural beings. The ancestors' spirits called Pitar (Benevolent) and the Iatar (Malevolent), who are also worshipped. According to Oraons' religious belief, their dead – ancestors' souls (atma or aikh or naad) reside in Patal Lok, below the earth's surface. Newly deceased persons' souls do not want to leave their homes and want to stay close to their family members. Therefore, the Oraons pray to their deceased family member's soul to join the family of Pitar (Pach-Balar) at Patal Lok or else it may unite with the family of Iatar and create troubled for not only the immediate family but also the other denizens of the village.
The highly respected Chandi Devi is only worshipped by unmarried male youngsters for achieving success in hunting expeditions. For married male folks, the worshipping of goddess is strictly prohibitated. Among the nature gods, the important one is the Pahaar Raja (Paat-Naad) is considered to be the lord of all the naad belonging to a village; he keeps all these deceased's souls under his control. It is believed that he resides in nearest mountain situated near the village and protects all the villagers from the diseases, natural calamities, etc. Another nature god is the tree named 'Mui-Chitkha', also known as Hazi-Peepar or Baindaa Peepar. It is generally found in almost all the Oraon villages. According to Oraons' believe, this tree is directly linked to the clouds in the sky, responsible for the rainfall. The village women folks forming a group perform the special puja as per traditions, praying for the rainfalls; the wish is generally granted within couple of days.
Social Institutions
Dhankothis (or Grain-golas) was an old Oraon tribe institution that disappeared into thin air. It had deep roots in the Adivasi economy and formed an important aspect of Adivasi culture. The Village Council used to run these. For Dhankothis, each cultivator contributed a small quantity of paddy per acre of land towards their share capital of Dhankothi, where they stored food-items, for rainy days and other exigencies.
One institution that has survived the ravage of time is weekly Bazaar or Haat, in these weekly markets, the people from the neighbouring villages within a radius of 5 to 10 miles, assemble to participate in all kinds buying and selling activities, few items were bartered too. Weekly Haat was more like a modern day club or a shopping mall, where people meet their friends, eat, drink, and make merry.
Every Adivasis living in nearby village eagerly looked forward to these weekly Haat, almost everyone used to turn in their best attire with special preparation like washing, cleaning and dressing them. No doubt, more often than not, even the marriages were negotiated and the cupid used to find its naive victims in these weekly Haat, buzzing with boundless energy, unbridled laughter of innocent Adivasis.
According to our age-old traditions, the marriages have to take place in the season in which people do not have much agricultural work. It takes place between January and April. Besides having leisure from agricultural pursuits, the house are also full of food-grains and it is easy to invite a large number of people on this occasion of marriage feast.
In the 'lota-panni' ceremony that precedes marriage, the boy's guardians have to make substantial presents to the girls and her family, for the respect that they accord to bride who is joining their family post marriage. The bride price has to be given and this is known as 'Dali-Dhiba'.
Marriage is considered an joyous occasion for the exchange of gifts not only between the couples but also between the families in which marriage is taking place and the kin group of which it is part. When one gets an invitation to attend the marriage of his relative or friends it is the usual practice to take two pots containing four seers of rice beer, some rice, pulses and vegetables.
It is customary for married girls in a village to receive gifts from their parents-in-law on the occasions of Karma, Sarhul and other festivals. On festivals, the gifts are exchanged between friends who form pacts of friendship such as Sahiya, etc. Even at the time of funerals, to help the grieving family, the community used to bring whatever they could afford to help the deceased's family to help them in their time of grieving.
The Jharkhand was never an exclusive abode of an Oraon tribe, for many centuries, many different types of Tribes shared their home at Jharkhand without ever indulging in blood-spattered war with each other. Amidst extended period as sovereign units and their peaceful existence during these few thousand years, almost each tribe residing in Jharkhand developed their unique language, art and culture. But these different Adivasi tribes shared a common thread, likes their unwavering worshipping of their nature gods and their forefathers' religion, also known as Sarna religion.
The houses in the villages were built mostly of wood, bamboos and leaves of trees. In fact, the vast majority of houses are built of mud and the roofs are tiled. On the walls of some of these houses, it is common to find drawings of human beings, horses, elephants and men riding horses, a row of men dancing, etc. Most people keep their clothes and other possessions in a bamboo basket called 'harka'. Most of the people live in spacious houses. Almost all the houses have a courtyard and a verandah on all sides. In all oraon houses, one can find a trident and a religious Sarna flag fixed at the courtyard. Most of the houses had separate sheds for cattle located in one corner of the house. The cattle had separate doors built especially for them. Each room of the house is smeared daily with white soil and cow dung to keep it clean.
In almost every Oraons' villages, one can easily find one or more Akhra (dancing place). Often in each tola of a village, one can find a separate Akhra. We have rich collection of song and related dance traditions; these vary according to the seasons and occasions. In these joyous community festivities, dominated by songs and dance routines, everyone in the village, come together to participate at these akhra, irrespective of their age, gender, and economic status.
One more Oraons' institution called Dhumkuria were kind of bachelors' dormitories that worked as a kind of finishing school for the younger generation of Oraon in a village. It has completely disappeared, as it came under vicious attack led by negative propaganda by the people who wanted to attack our society.
The 'Handia' drink has an important place in the social system of the Oraons. Whenever a feast is to be given on the birth of a child, marriage or in connection with the funeral, large stocks of Hanria is very important item. It is a cheap drink and in the past it used to add valuable vitamin to our diet. This traditional drink Hanria is prepared by using simple fermentation process and ingredients like rice or mahua, etc.; it is low in alcohol content and only after consuming large quantities can one become intoxicated. This popular drink can be easily prepared in the home by means of a very simple fermentation process.
Languages[edit]
Beside Hindi the people of Jharkhand speak a number of languages belonging to three major language families: the Munda languageswhich include Santali, Mundari, Ho, Kharia, Bhumij; the Indo-Aryan languages which includes Sadri, Khortha, Kurmali andPanchpargania; and the Dravidian languages which include Oraon (Kurukh), Korwa, and Paharia (Malto).
Santali is spoken predominantly in Dumka, Jamtara, Pakur, Godda, Sahibganj and in parts of East Singhbhum and Saraikela-Kharsawan distrcits. Mundari is spoken mainly in Khunti and parts of Ranchi, West Singhbhum, Gumla, Simdega and Latehar districts. Ho is mainly spoken in West Singhbhum and Saraikela-Kharswan districts. These three languages can be considered as sister languages as all of them are grammatically similar and 80%–90% of the words used are same.[14]
Culture[edit]
Being a tribal dominated state, nature has been given utmost importance in every sphere of life and culture. Branches of sacred trees are brought and ceremonially planted in the courtyards. Devotees then worship these tree parts associated with gods/goddesses. Karma puja, Jitia Puja, Sarhul are a few examples. Poush Mela or Tusu Fair is a significant occasion celebrated during the Makar Sankranti wherein brightly coloured excellently decorated symbolic artefacts of folk deity are carried by the People. This is a folk harvesting festival. Tusu is a folk belief, not about any God or Goddess, but about a sweet little girl of the tribal folk. The festival takes place as new crops are harvested. The entire festival is a very colourful one. It takes the shape of the all-around festive mood of the tribal people, where everyone takes part.
Festivals[edit]
In whole Chotanagpur Plateau Region, among the local people the Karam Festival is celebrated with great pomp and show.
Among the Oraon Tribe, the Karam festival is one of the most important festivals and holds a very important place in their social and religious life. It is usually celebrated 15 days after the Kunwaar-Shukl-Paksh. After the fixation of the date for the festival, the local population start their preparation; for instance, they start buying the culinary-items to prepare traditional dishes, new clothes for the occasion, etc. Besides, for the Karam-Puja, they buy oil, Sindoor, Daliya, et al. Being a very important community festival of the region, it is celebrated by the entire Oraon and other local communities of the region; now in its modern day re-embodiment, the festivity has spread far and wide, from the rural to the urban ambience, and from Chotanagpur to other parts of country.
On the occasion of the festival, the Boys and the Girls are given extraordinary treatment and due importance by their respective families. The families, their mother and father, give them special "Karam-clothes" to their child (or children), these clothes signify the unmarried status of the Boys and the Girls of the family.
One of the most interesting aspects of these special clothes given as gift is that these Karam-clothes are hand-woven by the mother and father for their child, after hours of hard-works. It signifies, the clothes save them from the bad influence and the habits. The Karam and these Karam-Clothes are considered very auspicious. It is also believed that the children are offered to Karam, for the showering of its constant guidance and blessings to the child, in fact the entire family.
Cuisine[edit]
Jharkhandis have a cuisine in which spices are rarely used and rice is the staple. They prepare different dishes of rice, different types of Rotis, Litti Chokha, Pani puri, Pittha, Dhuska, Dudhauri, kera-dudhauri, etc. Dhuska is a famous dish of Jharkhand cooked with mashed rice and pulses and served with either aaloo dum or mutton curry; kera-dudhauri is a famous dish prepared with milk, rice, ghee and gur. In many parts of Jharkhand including Panch Pargana area (Bundu, Rahe, Sonahatu, Silli, Angara, Arki and Tamar Blocks of Ranchi & Khunti districts) a special food item "Charpa" is prepared by frying mashed rice mixed with spicy vegetable preparations; hence the name follows viz. Sembi Charpa, Egg Charpa and many more depending upon the ingredient vegetable source.
Jharkhandis use different types of flowers as vegetables, such as the flowers of drum-stick, August and Jhirool. Use of Sag, i.e. leaves of different shrubs and other small plants, is perhaps another peculiarity of Jharkhandi food. Commonly used sags are Palak, Beng, Kataei, Gendhari, Saranti, Sunsunia, Koinar, methi, bhathua, Sarso and chana. "Maad Jhor" which a nutritious substitute for Daal is prepared by boiling saag in starch left after cooking rice. The same is made more delicious by adding flavour of Garlic fried in mustard oil (Tadka/Phodan in local language). Many vegetables and leaves are dried and stored for use out of season, and the same are consumed in the form of "Maad Jhor". In many village markets of Jharkhand you can easliy see women selling powdered dried leaves or other dried food items.
One more interesting food item is dried Mushrooms (various types of eatable fungi) which is dried and stored when mushrooms are found abundantly during rainy season in the forests and/or sparsely populated remote villages. Fresh mashrooms (Khukhdi/Chhatu in local language) are given local names depending upon their place of origin/growth viz. Bala Chhatu, Jamun Khukhdi etc. are consumed in dry fried form (without spices) or with spicy curry/gravy.
Another rare food item found in Chotanagpur region of Jharkhand is 'Rugda'. It grows naturally and are found in muddy fields of Chotanagpur region.It is considered a vegetable and is available during start of monsoon season for a very short period. It is believed that lightning effects its growth. Rugdas are small round balls with hard outside shell and very soft filling inside. It is generally prepared with curry cooked with spices and plenty of onion and is a delicacy just like chicken or mutton curry.
Local alcoholic drinks include rice beer, originally known as Handiya, named after the vessel (earthen pot) used to make it. Handiya is culturally associated with native i.e. Tribals as well as Sadan, as this drink is consumed by both men and women, on social occasions like marriage and other festivals. Another common liquor is called Mahu, made from fruit/flowers of the "Mahua" tree (Madhukam Indicum).
There are many foods that are a part of the traditional cuisine that are also known for their medicinal values, like Kurthi (Horse gram), which is used like a kind of pulses and is considered a cure for kidney stones and is also recommended for fast recovery after childbirth. Fruits such as Jackfruit, Blackberry, Mango and Litchi are found in abundance.
Administrative districts[edit]
The state was formed with 18 districts, which were formerly part of south Bihar. Some of these districts were reorganised to form 6 new districts, namely, Latehar, Saraikela Kharsawan, Jamtara, Sahebganj, Khunti and Ramgarh. Presently, the state has 24districts:Ranchi, Lohardaga, Gumla, Simdega, Palamu, Latehar, Garhwa, West Singhbhum, Seraikela Kharsawan, East Singhbhum,Dumka, Jamtara, Sahebganj, Pakur, Godda, Hazaribag, Chatra, Koderma, Giridih, Dhanbad, Bokaro, Deoghar, Khunti and Ramgarh.
| Largest Cities in Jharkhand (2011 Census of India estimate)[15] | |||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Rank | City | District | Population | Rank | City | District | Population | ||||
| 01 | Jamshedpur | East Singbhum, Seraikela Kharsawan | 1,337,131 | 06 | Phusro | Bokaro | 186,139 | ||||
| 02 | Dhanbad | Dhanbad | 1,195,298 | 07 | Hazaribagh | Hazaribagh | 153,599 | ||||
| 03 | Ranchi | Ranchi | 1,126,741 | 08 | Giridih | Giridh | 143,529 | ||||
| 04 | Bokaro Steel City | Bokaro | 563,417 | 09 | Ramgarh | Ramgarh | 132,441 | ||||
| 05 | Deoghar | Deoghar | 203,116 | 10 | Daltonganj | Palamu | 119,972 | ||||
Government and politics[edit]
Jharkhand is currently under the Chief Minister Mr. Hemant Soren after, Arjun Munda of the Bharatiya Janata Party, resigned as the eighth Chief Minister of Jharkhand, from 13 July 2013.
Jharkand is one of the thirteen states in which the Naxalite rebels have considerable influence. On 5 March 2007, Sunil Mahato, a member of the national parliament, was shot dead by Naxalite rebels while watching a football match on the Hindu festival of Holi near Kishanpur, 160 km (99 mi) east of the state capital, Ranchi.[16] His wife, Suman Mahato, theJharkhand Mukti Morcha candidate, won the Jamshedpur Lok Sabha by-election in September 2007. Mahato defeated her nearest rival, Dinesh Sarangi of the Bharatiya Janata Party, by a margin of 58,816 votes.
Naxal insurgency[edit]
Jharkand has been at the centre of the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency. Since the uprising of theNaxalites in 1967, 6,000 people have been killed in fighting between the Naxalites and counter-insurgency operations by the police, and its paramilitary groups such as the Salwa Judum.[17]
Despite having a presence in almost 7.80% of India's geographical area[18] (home to 5.50% of India's population), the state of Jharkand is part of the "Naxal Belt" comprising 92,000 square kilometres,[18] where the highest concentrations of the groups estimated 20,000 combatants[19] fight. Part of this is due to the fact that the state harbours a rich abundance of natural resources, while its people live in abject poverty and destitution.[20] The impoverished state provides ample recruits for the communist insurgents, who argue that they are fighting on behalf of the landless poor that see few benefits from the resource extractions.[20] As the federal government holds a monopoly on sub-surface resources in the state, the tribal population is prevented from staking any claim on the resources extracted from their land.[20] In response, the insurgents have recently begun a campaign of targeting infrastructure related to the extraction of resources vital for Indian energy needs, such as coal.[18]
In response to the growing influence of the insurgents, the Indian government has recently[when?] enacted a scheme by which free mobile phones would be handed out in exchange for villagers' cooperation with security forces—although intelligence officials express concern at the possibility of misinformation, and the difficulty in determining villagers from rebels.[17]
Economy[edit]
Jharkhand's gross state domestic product for 2011 is estimated at $21.7 billion at current prices. Since it is rich in minerals, the state per capita income is likely to increase in the coming years.
Jharkhand has a concentration of some of the country's highly industrialised cities such as Jamshedpur, Ranchi, Bokaro Steel City,Dhanbad and Ramgarh. It also has several firsts in India, including:
- Largest fertiliser factory of its time in India (since shut down) at Sindri, Dhanbad
- First Iron & steel factory at Jamshedpur
- Largest Steel plant in Asia, Bokaro steel plant, Bokaro.
- Biggest explosives factory at Gomia, Bokaro.
- Tata Steel has established country's first coal washery at Ghato, Ramgarh district in the year 1951.
- First methane gas well at Parbatpur, Bokaro.
Major industrial units[edit]
- Bokaro Steel Plant, Bokaro.
- Electrosteel Plant, Bokaro.
- Bharat Refractories Limited, Bokaro.
- Chandrapura Thermal Power Station, Chandrapura, Bokaro.
- Tenughat Thermal/Hydro Power Station, Bokaro.
- Bokaro Thermal Power Station, Bokaro Thermal, Bokaro.
- CAPTIVE POWER PLANT, KATHARA, BOKARO
- Indian Explosive Limited, Gomia, Bokaro
- Jay Pee Cement, Bokaro.
- Ashok Industries, Bokaro Industrial Area.
- BMW Steel, Bokaro.
- Bokaro Power Supply Co. Pvt. Ltd.,Bokaro
- Imperial Chemical Industries,Gomia,Bokaro
- Kargali Coal Washery,CCL,Kargali,Bokaro
- Kathara Coal Washery,CCL,Kathara,Bokaro
- Bokaro Timber Seasoning Plant, BIADA,Bokaro
- Dugda Coal Washery,BCCL,Dugda,Bokaro
- HIndustan Steel Works Construction Limited,HSCL,Bokaro
- Ratan Industries,Balidih,Bokaro
- Inox Air Products, Bokaro
- ONGC, Talgaria, Bokaro
- Udaya Vijaya Steel Pvt. Ltd.,BIADA,Bokaro
- Hanuman Alloy Apex Pvt. Ltd.,BIADA,Bokaro
- Sundaram Steels Pvt. Ltd.,BIADA,Bokaro
- Indian Oil Bottling Plant,BIADA,Bokaro
- Royal Steel Pvt. Ltd.,Chas,Bokaro
- Kalyaneshwari Ispat Udyog Pvt. Ltd.,BIADA,Bokaro
- Tata Steel Plant, Jamshedpur.
- Metalsa, Seraikella, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Power, Jojobera, Jamshedpur.
- Tayo Rolls Limited, Gamharia, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Pigment, Jugsalai, Jamshedpur.
- Timken India Limited, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Robins Fraser, Jamshedpur.
- Auto Cluster, Adityapur, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Yodogawa limited, Adityapur, Jamshedpur.
- Hindustan Coca Cola Beverages Private Limited, Gamharia, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Motors, Jamshedpur.
- Usha Martin Industries Limited, Adityapur, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Rayrson, Jamshedpur.
- Telaiya Hydro Power Station, Telaiya, Damodar Valley Corporation
- Turamdih Gold Mine, Musabani, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Cummins, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Growth Shops, Gamharia, Jamshedpur.
- JMT Auto Limited, Adityapur, Jamshedpur.
- TRF Limited, Jamshedpur.
- Tata Consulting Engineers, Jamshedpur
- UCIL, Sundernagar, Jamshedpur.
- Lafarge Cement, Jamshedpur.
- Adhunik Alloyes Limited, Kandra, Jamshedpur.
- Jamshedpur Utilities & Services Company Limited, Jamshedpur.
- BOC Gases, Burmamines, Jamshedpur.
- Hindustan Copper Limited, Ghatsila, Jamshedpur.
- Praxair Gas, Sakchi, Jamshedpur.
- Tinplate, Jamshedpur.
- Concast Cement, Hata, Jamshedpur.
- Steel Strip Wheels, Jamshedpur.
- Jindal Steel and Power Limited, Potka, Jamshedpur.
- Adhunik Power and Natural Resources Limited, Kandra, Jamshedpur.
- Heavy Engineering Corporation,(HEC Ltd., Dhurwa), Ranchi.
- Patratu Thermal Power Station, Ramgarh.
- Jindal Steel Plant,Balkudra, Patratu,Ramgarh.
- Usha Martin, Ranchi.
- Central Coalfields Limited, Ranchi
- Central Mine Planning & Designing Institute Limited (CMPDI), Ranchi
- Metallurgical and Engineering Consultancy (MECON) Limited, Ranchi
- Sun-Tech, NABL accredited Laboratory as per ISO/IEC 17025:2005 at Ranchi by Govt. of India
- Abhijeet Group at Thermal Power Plant and Steel Plant at Chandwa, Saraikela
- Essar power Ltd. at Chandwa
- Jay Solar Systems at Dhanbad
- Maithon Power Limited, Dhanbad
- Usha Martin,Dhanbad
- ACC Cement, Dhanbad
- FCI,sindri, Dhanbad
- Bharat Coking Coal Limited, Dhanbad
- Eastern Coalfields Limited, Dhanbad
- Maithon Hydro Power Station, Maithan, Dhanbad.
- Panchet Hydro Power Station, Panchet, Damodar Valley Corporation, Dhanbad.
- . Net, Dhanbad
Upcoming mega projects[edit]
- Supreme Office Systems, Ranchi
- UIDAI Project
Jharkhand has several towns and innumerable villages with civic amenities. Urbanization ratio is 24.1% and the per capita annual income is US$ 726.8.[21] Jharkhand also has immense mineral resources: minerals ranging from (ranking in the country within bracket) from iron ore (1st), coal(3rd), copper ore (1st), mica (1st), bauxite (3rd), Manganese, limestone, china clay, fire clay, graphite (8th),kainite (1st), chromite (2nd), asbestos (1st), thorium (3rd), sillimanite, uranium (Jaduguda mines, Narwa Pahar) (1st) and even gold(Rakha Mines) (6th) and silver and several other minerals. Large deposits of coal and iron ore support concentration of industry, in centres like Jamshedpur, Bokaro and Ranchi. Tata Steel, a S&P CNX 500 conglomerate has its corporate office in Jharkhand. It reported a gross income of 
. 204,910 million for 2005. NTPC will start coal production from its captive mine in state in 2011–12, for which the company will be investing about Rs 1,800 crore.[22]
Education[edit]
The literacy rate in Jharkhand is 67.63% (2011). As per the 2011 census conducted by Government of India the official literacy rate for the state was 67.63% (Male: 78.45%; Female: 56.21%) with 9 districts above the average literacy rate:[23][24]
- Ranchi: 77.13% (Male: 85.53%; Female: 68.20%)
- East Singhbhum (Jamshedpur): 76.13% (Male: 84.51%; Female: 67.33%)
- Dhanbad: 75.71% (Male: 85.68%; Female: 64.70%)
- Ramgarh: 73.92% (Male: 83.51%; Female: 63.49%)
- Bokaro: 78.48% (Male: 84.50%; Female: 61.46%)
- Hazaribagh: 70.48% (Male: 81.15%; Female: 59.25%)
- Saraikela Khasawan: 68.85% (Male: 81.01%; Female: 56.19%)
- Kodarma: 68.35% (Male: 81.25%; Female: 54.77%)
- Lohardaga: 68.29% (Male: 78.62%; Female: 57.86%)
- Deoghar: 66.34% (Male: 79.13%; Female: 53.39%)
Jharkhand has a network of government and privately run schools, although standards of teaching vary considerably from place to place, as also from school to school.
After formation of new state, Jharkhand Education Project Council (JEPC) has been implementing four projects for spread of elementary education namely DPEP, SSA, NPEGEL, KGBV. Hence works have been accomplished in the state towards achieving the goal of UEE but due to slow pace, the target of hundred percent enrolment and retention of children in schools is not yet attained.[25]
Jharkhand has made primary education so accessible that 95% of children of ages 6–11 are enrolled in school, as opposed to 56% in 1993–94, so this will likely to improve literacy a great deal. Some of the better known schools which operate chain of school nationally and regionally are DAV Hehal, St. Thomas School, Delhi Public School, Oxford Public School, De Nobili School, Kendriya Vidyalaya, Chinmaya Public School, Loyola school, Sacred Heart School, St. Xavier's, Shishu Mandir, Surendranath centenary School, etc. Students from Jharkhand have proved themselves on national as well as international level. Students from the state have always ranked well in almost all the national level competitive exams.[26]
Schools[edit]
The medium of instruction in schools is Hindi/ English with English/ Hindi/ Sanskrit/ Bengali/ Oriya as second language. After 10 years of schooling, students can join 2 years of Intermediate course (or +2 courses) in Arts, Science and Commerce. This is followed by 3 years of degree courses (graduation)or 4 years of Engineering/Agriculture/Medicine degree. On May 2008, Jharkhand became the first in India to introduce free haircuts for poor students. 40,000 barbers will be employed with a monthly salary of 1000 rupees (25 US dollars) which will cost the state government 40 million rupees (1 million US dollars).[27]
Universities and colleges[edit]
Jharkhand has a number of engineering and management colleges: St.Columba's College, Hazaribagh is a renowned and the oldest college in the state established in 1859 by the Dublin University Mission. Indian School of Mines, Dhanbad, National Institute of Technology, Jamshedpur, Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi, Jamshedpur Institute of Management Science, Jamshedpur, Netaji Subhas Institute of Business Management,Jamshedpur,D.A.V. Institute of Engineering and Technology, Daltonganj,(A Joint Venture of Government of Jharkhand and DAV Trust and Management Society, New Delhi), R.V.S College of Engineering and Technology, Jamshedpur, Institute Of Higher Studies & Management, Ranchi,Birsa Institute of Technology Sindri, Dhanbad, and the National Institute of Foundry and Forge Technology (NIFFT). Among which BIT Mesra, NIT Jamshedpur and ISM Dhanbad are among top 15 technical colleges in the country.
B.I.T Sindri is the best Govt Engg college in Jharkhand ( Jharkhand Govt.) with annual intake of about 800 students in B.tech. It has been ranked one all over INDIA in terms of RETURN ON INVESTMENT and overall ranking of 27 all over INDIA.
St Xavier's College, Ranchi, most reputed college in the state of Bihar and Jharkhand was started in the Ranchi Jesuit Society, on 3 July 1944.
ISM Dhanbad, established in 1926, is the most reputed engineering institute of Jharkhand. Admission to it is through IIT-JEE, the toughest engineering entrance examination in India. This institute attracts students from all over the country. It functions under MHRD, Govt of India.
Jamshedpur is home to one of the best business school in India, the Xavier Labour Relations Institute,(XLRI). It has been consistently ranked among the best private business school in India. A recent development, the Government of India has set up an Indian Institute of Management(IIM) at Ranchi under the mentorship of IIM Calcutta. IIM Ranchi offers programmes in management, human resource management and a research fellowship in management. The State Government has allocated land for the same near Birsa Agricultural University, Kanke. It has been ranked as the best emerging B-School in India by multiple agencies.
Jharkhand has 4 universities : Ranchi University & Birsa Agricultural University at Ranchi, Sidhhu Kanhu University at Dumka and Vinova Bhave University in Hazaribagh.
There are three medical colleges in Jharkhand namely M.G.M Medical College at Jamshedpur, Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences(RIMS) at Ranchi and Patliputra Medical College And Hospital (PMCH) at Dhanbad.
Xavier Institute of Social Service (XISS) at Ranchi is also one of oldest business school well known for its Personnel management andRural Development courses.[28] XISS ranked 6th in East and 31st in all India—Outlook MDRA B-Schools Ranking 2010 and Business Today in 2010 ranked XISS on 36th position in all India.
National University of Study and Research in Law, Ranchi(NUSRL) was established in year 2010 by Government of Jharkhand as the fourteenth national law university of India. NUSRL is currently functioning out of a temporary campus in BIT, Mesra. It was formally inaugurated by the Chief Justice of Jharkhand High Court and Supreme Court Judge designate Gyan Sudha Mishra on 26 April 2010, in the Birla Institute of Technology-Mesra campus. NUSRL is established to develop a holistic perspective of legal education in all its ramifications particularly advocacy, judicial and legal institutional services, legislations, law reforms and all the research in these
Central University of Jharkhand (www.cuj.ac.in) was established in the year 2009 as the first Central University in the state of Jharkhand. It currently offers Integrated Programs in Business Administration, Mass Communication, Languages, Applied Sciences, Engineering and Technology Program along with Master and Doctoral Programs. The Central University is currently based in a picturesque temporary campus at Brambe, 25 km from Ranchi town on the Ratu - Lohardaga Road. The permanent campus is coming up at Chri - Manatu. The founder Vice Chancellor of the University is Prof. D T Khathing, an eminent Physicist and a Professor from NEHU, Shillong. Redeemer Institute of Management And Technology (RIMT)[29] was established in 2011 in Munirka,New Delhi.In February 2012 RIMT have opened there branch in Ramgarh, Jharkhand.RIMT affiliated from Eastern Institute for Integrated Learning in Management University and Karnataka State Open University. RIMT College is organized by Redeemer Engisoft Private Limited (An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Organization).[30]
Health[edit]
On account of salubrious climate, Jharkhand, particularly its capital Ranchi, has been like a health resort. As far back as 1918, facilities were set up for treatment of mentally challenged.[31]
In certain areas of Jharkhand, poverty and consequent malnutrition have given rise to diseases like tuberculosis (TB). In fact, TB has assumed epidemic proportions in certain areas of the state. For management and treatment of such TB, Itki TB Sanatorium, Ranchi, established in 1928 has been doing exemplary work as a premier institute for clinical and programmatic management of TB. The Itki TB Sanatorium is well equipped and accredited by Government of India for quality assurance and Culture and Drug Sensitivity Testing for M.TB. It provides free of cost treatment for TB as well as Drug resistant TB. Likewise, in the field of treatment of cancer, Tata Main Hospital, Jamshedpur,[32] is rendering pioneering work. In the same way Bokaro General Hospital equipped with modern facilities for the treatment Cancer and heart related problems with capacity of 1100 beds one of the largest in eastern India.
Although several public and private health facilities are available in the state, overall infrastructure for dispensing health related services require improvements. An exception is the famous Tata Motors Hospital which is an example of an ISO 14001 and 18001 certified hospital with DNB teaching facilities.
Ranchi, the capital has witnessed a sharp growth in the number of hospitals. Hospitals like Orchid Medical Centre have introduced world class healthcare services to the people of the state. However in rural areas facilities are still scarce and reliant on foreign aid projects (such as Traditional Healthcare in Datom) for the establishment of clinics
Fluoride in groundwater presents a public health problem in Jharkhand. A recent survey led by the Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi in collaboration with UNICEF in the northwest districts of Palamau and Garhwa found fluoride levels above the drinking WHOdrinking water guidelines.[33] Excessive amounts of fluoride in drinking water can lead to dental fluorosis, prevalent bone fractures, andskeletal fluorosis, an irreversible disabling condition.[34] Some work has focused on combating fluorosis through increased calcium intake by consuming local plants.[35] Researchers at Princeton University and the Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi are currently investigating defluoridation options, while performing an epidemiological survey to assess the extent of fluoride linked health problems and the impact of future interventions.[36][37]
Almost 80% of Jharkhand's people are farmers, although it contains 40% of India's mineral reserves it has some of India's poorest people, in Summer 2009 the state was threatened by drought, with people criticising the government for not providing food aid or assistance.[38]
Veterinary[edit]
Jharkhand has a diverse domestic animal population, including local and crossbred cattle, black Bengal goat, chhotanagpuri sheep, murrah and local buffalo, broilers and ducks of many varieties. The state Veterinary department runs Veterinary Dispensaries located throughout Jharkhand and posts Touring Veterinary officers, Block Animal Husbandary Officers, Touring Veterinary officers (mobile), Assistant Poultry Officers and Veterinary Surgeons to support the agricultural industry.
The state has a Veterinary College located at Kanke, Ranchi.
Sports[edit]
Cricket, Hockey and football are popular games with the people of Jharkhand. Jharkhand has given some brilliant players like Jaipal Singh, a former Indian hockey captain and Olympian and Manohar Topno, Birendra Lakra and his brother Bimal Lakra, currently playing for the Indian Hockey team. Jaipal Singh was the captain of the hockey team that won the first gold medal for India in Olympic games 1928 at Amsterdam. Mahendra Singh Dhoni who is the captain of Indian cricket teamand led the Indian Cricket Team to ICC Cricket World Cup Glory on 2 April 2011 ending a 28-year wait to repeat the feat achieved by former Indian captain Kapil Dev in 1983 at Lords, England. Another rising cricketer from Jharkhand is Varun Aaron, India's fastest bowler and Saurabh Tiwary, left hand hard hitting batsman of India who represented Mumbai Indians from the 2008 Indian Premier League and currently playing for Royal Challengers Bangalore. He was one of the key batsmen in the Indian team that won the 2008 U/19 Cricket World Cup in Malaysia. Ashunta Lakra, sister of Vimal Lakra is the Indian Hockey Captain currently.And one of the emerging sport personality is Deepika Kumari, a young Indian athlete who competes in the event of Archery. She won gold medal in the 2010 Commonwealth games in the women's individual recurve event. Some of major stadiums in Ranchi are:
- JSCA International Stadium, Ranchi - Cricket
- Birsa Munda Athletics Stadium Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Athletics
- Shiekh Bhikhari Administrative Block, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Fencing, Karate- Do
- Veer Budhu Bhagat Aquatic Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Aquatics
- Harivansh Tana Bhagat Indoor Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Volleyball, Basketball, Wrestling
- Astroturf Hockey Stadium, Morhabadi, Ranchi - Hockey (Men & Women)
- Birsa Munda Football Stadium, Morhabadi, Ranchi - Football (Men), Rugby 7s
- Thakur Vishwanath Shahdeo Indoor Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Wushu, Badminton, Table Tennis
- R. K. Anand Lawn Bowl Greens, Namkum, Ranchi - Lawn Bowls, Judo
- Ganpat Rai Indoor Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Taekwondo, Gymnastics, Handball
- Albert Ekka Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Kabbadi, Kho-Kho
- Sidho Kanhu Velodrome Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Cycling
- Tikait Umrao Shooting Range, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Shooting
- Tennis Stadium, Mega Sports Complex, Ranchi - Tennis
An International Cricket stadium with an indoor stadium and a practice ground has been constructed. This international stadium will host an International Match between India and England on 19 January 2013.[39] Apart from that, this stadium will also host two IPL 6matches for KKR and Celebrity Cricket League Matches for Bhojpuri Dabanggs. A Tennis Academy, which was inaugurated by Sania Mirza and Shoaib Malik, also runs besides the Cricket stadium.[40] Ranchi is among six cities in Hockey India League to be played in January 2013. Ranchi franchise was bought by Patel-Uniexcel Group and the team named Ranchi Rhinos.[41] Ranchi is also famous for being the hometown of World Cup winning Captain of Indian Cricket team, Mahendra Singh Dhoni. India's ace archer Deepika Kumari, gold medal winner of Commonwealth Games 2010 and current world no.1 rank holder, also hails from Ranchi.[42]
Media[edit]
- Electronic media ETV Bihar/Jharkhand broadcasts Jharkhand-related news on a popular program called Johar Jharkhand at 7:30 am and 7:30 pm.
- Print media include the Hindi newspapers, namely, Prabhat Khabar, Hindustan and Dainik Jagran, Dainik Bhaskar and Jharkhand Jagran published from the state capital, Ranchi and available in almost all parts of the state. English newspapers like The Pioneer,[43] the Times of India and the Hindustan Times are published from Ranchi and are available across Jharkhand. Other important Indian newspapers in Hindi, English and local languages are also available in bigger cities by the afternoon and after a day's delay in smaller towns. Most of the national magazines in Hindi and English are regularly available in bigger cities and at other places where supply may be arranged through newspaper vendors. The internet media like jharkhandmirror[44] and newswings[45]are also available.
- Johar Disum Khabar[46] is only fortnightly newspaper published in local tribal & regional language from Ranchi. A monthly magazine "Johar Sahiya"[47] is also published in the state's popular regional language Nagpuri-Sadri."Jharkhandi Bhasha Sahitya Sanskriti Akhra"[48] also a multilingual quarterly magazine in tribal & Regional languages of Jharkhand.
- There are also many lesser known news website like BiharAndJharkhand.com[49] ranchiexpress.com[50] and a more recent news website JHnews.co.in.[51] These websites have been made exclusively keeping in mind the needs of Jharkhand.
- Ranchi and Jamshedpur have around five radio stations and All India Radio is available throughout the state. In 2007, private FM Channels have also started operation in the state. Doordarshan, the national television broadcaster, is also available in almost all parts of the state. Bigger cities in Jharkhand are served by all television channels available in India and channels are received through cable. In some interior regions, channels are received via satellite dishes.
- Landline telephone connectivity is provided by BSNL, Tata Indicom and Reliance Communications and covers almost all parts of the state. Cellular service, covering all major centres of the state, is provided by Vodafone, Airtel (GSM Service), Aircel, BSNL, Idea Cellular and Reliance Communications and also by Tata Indicom and Reliance Infocomm (CDMA Service). Internet connectivity is available in all the districts.
- ETV News is one of the round-the-clock electronic media being aired from Jharkhand.[52] www.bhaskar.com/jharkhand/
- Dainik Bhaskar News[53]
See also[edit]
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- Outline of India
- Index of India-related articles
- Bibliography of India
- List of people from Jharkhand
India at Wikipedia books
References[edit]
- ^ "Report of the Commissioner for linguistic minorities: 47th report (July 2008 to June 2010)". Commissioner for Linguistic Minorities, Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India. pp. 122–126. Retrieved 16 February 2012.
- ^ "Jharkhand – At a Glance".
- ^ . mongabay.comhttp://www.mongabay.com/history/india/india-jharkhand_movement.html. Retrieved 10 October 2013.Missing or empty
|title=(help) - ^ Gautam Kumar Bera (2008). The unrest axle: ethno-social movements in Eastern India. Mittal Publications. pp. 32–35.ISBN 978-81-8324-145-8.
- ^ "Munda Rajas". Retrieved 10 October 2013.
- ^ jharkhandstatenewshttp://www.jharkhandstatenews.com/arjun-munda-unveils-ancient-tribal-rajas-statue-in-pithoria/
|url=missing title (help). Retrieved 10 October 2013. - ^ J.B. Hoffmann (1984). A missionary social worker in India. Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana. p. 54. ISBN 978-88-7652-539-1.
- ^ "Freedom Struggle". Wesanthals.tripod.com. 14 November 2000. Retrieved 2010-07-18.
- ^ Birsa Munda and His Movement 1874–1901: A Study of a Millenarian Movement in Chotanagpur, by Kumar Suresh Singh. Oxford University Press, 1983
- ^ emerging jharkhand times impact awards- Advertising agencies in ranchi - public relations of jharkhand- information about jharkhand - event management companies in ranchi. Emergingjharkhand.com (2012-04-12). Retrieved on 2013-07-28.
- ^ a b c "State animals, birds, trees and flowers" (PDF). Wildlife Institute of India. Archived from the original on 4 March 2009. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
- ^ "Birds and animals found in the forest of the Palamau district". Official website of the Palamau district. Retrieved 2009-04-05.
- ^ "Census Population" (PDF). Census of India. Ministry of Finance India. Retrieved 2008-12-18.
- ^ "Census Reference Tables, C-Series Population by religious communities". Censusindia.gov.in. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ "Jharkhand". Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner. 18 March 2007. Retrieved 2008-07-23.
- ^ "South Asia | 'Maoist rebels' shoot Indian MP". BBC News. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 18 July 2010.
- ^ a b Bhaumik, Subir (5 February 2009). "Cell phones to fight India rebels". BBC News. Retrieved 6 May 2010.
- ^ a b c "Rising Maoists Insurgency in India". Global Politician. 15 January 2007. Retrieved 2010-07-18.
- ^ Maoists who menace India, New York Times, 17 April 2006]
- ^ a b c 9 Aug 2006 (9 August 2006). "Hidden civil war drains India's energy". Asia Times Online. Retrieved 2010-07-18.
- ^ http://www.ibef.org/download/Jharkhand_261211.pdf
- ^ "NTPC eyes 20K crore thermal plant in MP". business.rediff.com. Retrieved 27 Oct 2010.
- ^ Dr. Arun C. Mehta. "District-specific Literates and Literacy Rates, 2001". Educationforallinindia.com. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ "National Family Health Survey, 1998–99: Fact Sheet, Jharkhand, Section: Basic Socio-Demographic Features of Jharkhand". p. 3.
- ^ Sanjay Pandey (16 October 2007). "The poor state of girl child education in Jharkhand State". MyNews.in.
- ^ Sanjiv Shekhar (26 May 2009). "Many clear IIT-JEE in Jharkhand". TNN.
- ^ Tewary, Amarnath (13 May 2008). "South Asia | Free haircuts for India students". BBC News. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ "Xavier Institute of Social Service, Ranchi – 834001, Jharkhand, India". Xiss.ac.in. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ "Redeemer Institute of Management And Technology, Ramgarh – 829122, Jharkhand, India". rimt.in. Retrieved 2012-05-18.
- ^ "Redeemer Engisoft Pvt Ltd, Ramgarh – 829122, Jharkhand, India". rimt.in. Retrieved 2012-03-13.
- ^ Central Institute of Psychiatry, Ranchi.
- ^ "Welcome to Tata Memorial Centre". Tatamemorialcentre.com. 1 January 2004. Retrieved 2010-07-18.
- ^ "Fluoride alert for groundwater" The Telegraph, Calcutta, Friday 11 January 2008
- ^ Khandare, AL; Harikumar, R; Sivakumar, B (2005). "Severe bone deformities in young children from vitamin D deficiency and fluorosis in Bihar-India". Calcified tissue international 76(6): 412–8. doi:10.1007/s00223-005-0233-2.PMID 15895280.
- ^ "Fluoride Toxicity in Jharkhand State of India," Disability News India[dead link]
- ^ "Fluoride alert for groundwater," The Telegraph, Calcutta, Friday 11 January 2008.[1]
- ^ MacDonald, L. "Water and Health:An effective, sustainable treatment strategy to halt the fluorosis endemic in rural villages of Jharkhand State, India"
- ^ Pandey, Geeta (1 August 2009). "Jharkhand farmers despair at drought". BBC News. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ "Ranchi's new stadium set to host maiden One-Day International on January 19". The Times Of India. 19 October 2012.
- ^ http://www.ndtv.com/album/listing/news/tennis-takes-sania-shoaib-to-ranchi-7204. Missing or empty
|title=(help) - ^ "Ranchi franchise becomes third team in Hockey India League". The Times Of India. 14 September 2012.
- ^ Deepika Kumari - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved on 2013-07-28.
- ^ The Pioneer
- ^ jharkhandmirror
- ^ newswings
- ^ "Johar Disum Khabar". Johardisum.in. 15 November 2010. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ http://www.joharsahiya.in/
- ^ "Jharkhandi Bhasha Sahitya Sanskriti Akhra". Akhra.org.in. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ biharandjharkhand.com
- ^ ranchiexpress
- ^ "JHnews.co.in". JHnews.co.in. Retrieved 2011-11-12.
- ^ Etv Bihar-Channel Home. Etv.co.in. Retrieved on 2013-07-28.
- ^ Jharkhand News - Jharkhand Hindi News – Jharkhand Daily News Paper - Jharkhand Local News Headlines - Dainik Bhaskar. Bhaskar.com. Retrieved on 2013-07-28.
- "Official State Website". Retrieved 2013-06-28.
- The World Bank publication on Jharkhand
External links[edit]
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